第 347 期·中文精讀

邁克爾·馬利斯:聖誕特別篇

Michael Malice: Christmas Special

與邁克爾·馬利斯聊聖誕話題、時政諷刺與無政府主義,延續一貫詼諧而尖銳的對談風格。

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中文精讀由 AI 基於原始訪談改寫,非官方翻譯,可能存在偏差或錯誤;表述以原音訊與官方文稿為準。說明

1920 年前後,認真關注政治的人裡幾乎沒人相信,列寧能在俄國撐過半年。德國總參謀部把他從瑞士送回彼得格勒,算盤打得很簡單:讓這個流亡多年的激進分子回去攪亂俄國,削弱東線,德國就能喘口氣。當時各國的社會主義者、無政府主義者、議會里的改良派,普遍把布林什維克奪權當成一場鬧劇。聖彼得堡街頭的很多工人,也未必說得清“全部政權歸蘇維埃”到底意味著什麼。

接下來幾年,契卡成立,秘密警察上崗,一箇舊帝國被拆開、重灌、焊死。

邁克爾·馬利斯(Michael Malice)在新書《白丸:善與惡的故事》(The White Pill: A Tale of Good and Evil)裡反覆回到這類時刻。他真正想追問的是另一件事:一百年前,為什麼有那麼多聰明、真誠、真心想讓世界變好的人會選擇相信它。

這期播客是聖誕特別篇。兩個人各自穿了一身毫無協調的荒唐服裝,馬利斯斜戴一頂帽子,手上是白手套,還開玩笑說白手套的壞處是血會染上去,每次都得換新的。他給自己這一年的表現打九分,說自己在儘量做對的事。萊克斯·弗裡德曼(Lex Fridman)給自己打零分,還補一句,他一直在朝零分努力。

黑丸讓人躺下,白丸讓人繼續走

在網際網路上,“藥丸”這個隱喻已經被用濫了。藍丸是接受現狀,紅丸是看見幕後的真相,黑丸是看見之後乾脆躺下:世界爛透了,一切努力都是表演,於是縮回自己的小房間,用嘲諷代替行動。

馬利斯提出的“白丸”是第四個選項。承認惡真實存在,承認歷史上有過成體系的、制度化的、規模巨大的惡,但依然不放棄。

“白丸是:你看清了世界有多壞,仍然選擇把日子過下去,還選擇去修它。黑丸則是直接放棄。”(萊克斯·弗裡德曼)

這個區分之所以重要,是因為它戳中了一種當下很流行的姿態。很多自稱看透一切的人,其實只完成了“看”這一步,把剩下的所有工作都跳過去了。

一百年前,“社會主義”是個大筐

書從 19 世紀末講起。那個年代,socialist、communist、anarchist 這三個詞的用法相當混亂,經常互相替換著用。原因挺簡單:馬克思描繪的終點,是國家最終“消亡”,所以誰都不認為自己在為一個大政府辯護。

當時有兩件事被當成共識。第一,社會主義是科學的、必然的,是未來的方向;第二,資本家統治階級不會自己退場,必然要打一仗。

工業革命給了這套想法底氣。既然有了技術、有了科學,為什麼不能科學地管理社會?馬利斯把這條線索一路拉到伍德羅·威爾遜(Woodrow Wilson)的進步主義:不受約束的資本主義是浪費,你生產太多,你有過剩,你也有短缺;如果由工程師精確計算出社會需要什麼、需要多少,然後按需生產,所有人都能幸福,沒有人受苦,也沒有浪費。

這套邏輯聽上去相當現代。今天任何一個想用演算法排程一切的人,講的其實是同一件事。

馬克思要國家,巴枯寧要砸掉國家

社會主義陣營內部第一次大分裂,發生在馬克思和巴枯寧(Mikhail Bakunin)之間。

馬克思的路線是國家社會主義,國家把一切都管起來。但他和恩格斯都把這當成手段,真正的目的在後面。等人的本性被重新塑造,國家就會變得多餘,然後自動消亡,人人平等,人間天國。

巴枯寧正好相反。他認為國家本身就是不道德的,不能拿來當工具。他想要的是工人自治的合作社、極端本地化的控制,任何形式的中央權力都要拆掉。

有意思的地方在於,兩邊的終點都是無國家狀態。分歧只在於:國家是通往無國家的必經之路,還是必須被繞開的陷阱。

這個分歧一百多年後還在原地打轉。

費邊社那隻烏龜

英國費邊社(Fabian Society)走的是另一條路。他們不相信街壘和炸藥,他們相信選票箱。宣傳、遊說、煽動,讓普通人為自己的利益投票,一步步擴大國家,一步步壓縮資本家的空間。

費邊社最早的標誌是披著羊皮的狼,後來大概覺得太直白了,換成了烏龜。烏龜的意思很清楚:慢,但是一直在爬。馬利斯對這兩個字的解讀是漸進主義,或者另一種說法,溫水煮青蛙。

與此同時,另一派人認定選票沒用。他們的口頭禪是:如果投票能改變什麼,他們根本不會讓你投。革命只能是革命,得動手,得奪廠,得殺人。

這條裂縫直接把言論自由的問題頂到了檯面上。鼓吹暴力和革命的演講合法嗎?約翰·莫斯特(Johann Most)在 19 世紀出版過一本教人怎麼做炸藥、怎麼造炸彈的手冊,這在當時是重大的言論自由爭議:任何人在自己家裡就能做出一個裝置,然後殺掉很多人。

那個年代,暗殺是日常

現代人對那個時代的暴力密度普遍缺乏概念。第一次世界大戰的開場是斐迪南大公遇刺,美國總統麥金萊遇刺,罷工現場的槍擊、華爾街的爆炸,這些事情發生的頻率遠超今天多數人的想象。

炸藥的普及讓襲擊的成本斷崖式下降。馬利斯提到,華爾街 1920 年代那次爆炸留下的彈片,據說至今還嵌在摩根大通大樓的外牆上。

萊克斯問他,如果你活在那個年代,你會站在哪一邊?

馬利斯的回答先繞了一段。他說那個年代真正有意思的地方,是紐約第九街和第五大道上梅布林·道奇·盧漢(Mabel Dodge Luhan)的沙龍。那間公寓裡同時坐著無政府主義者艾瑪·戈德曼(Emma Goldman)、推動節育的瑪格麗特·桑格(Margaret Sanger)、世界產業工人(Wobblies)的硬核工會分子,批評家門肯(H. L. Mencken)沒去,但和所有人都熟。

那是現代主義剛出生的年代,藝術、文學、政治同時開了口子。第一次出現了一個可以靠“思考”吃飯的階層,一群人坐在那兒問:現在什麼都可以重來了,我們打算拿它做什麼?

暴力會唱自己的歌

關於會不會參與暴力,馬利斯的回答沒有繞彎子。

“你以為你在駕馭暴力,但其實是暴力在駕馭你。一旦越過那條線,暴力會唱它自己的歌。”(邁克爾·馬利斯)

他舉了一個細節:很多人做炸彈、搞暗殺,最後是炸在自己臉上。這句話說的是字面意思。

就算成功了,賬也不划算。總統這個職位殺不掉,你只能殺掉坐在位子上的那個人。人剛倒下,下一個立刻補上,而新上來的人手裡多了一個理由,去用更大的暴力鎮壓。你殺掉的是一個丈夫、一個父親,換來的是一輪更嚴厲的管制。

他也沒有全盤否定暴力。美國革命在他眼裡是正面案例,推翻沙皇那一次是和平完成的,也是正面案例。但他補了一句關鍵的機制:暴力一旦發生,人們會害怕,會要求立刻停止混亂,而這種要求天然指向威權。人們這時候不想聽公民自由,只想“恢復正常”。真空被更狠的角色填滿,或者被外國勢力、煽動家利用。

萊克斯追問:所以你認為暴力革命在短期內不會帶來正面進展?馬利斯的回答是,不一定,但代價的執行方式是可預測的。

為什麼這套理想那麼動人

萊克斯在這裡做了一件很重要的事。他說,如果把自己放回 19 世紀末 20 世紀初,共產主義的邪惡一點都不顯然。那是一群人想抬高人的價值,抬高辛苦勞作的普通人的價值,想靠自己的雙手把社會建起來。這聽起來是個美好的理想。

馬利斯完全同意。他的回答是,政治裡沒有什麼是“顯而易見”的。

“政治裡沒有什麼是顯而易見的。有人說某件事顯而易見,他的意思往往只是:這件事對我來說很顯眼。”(邁克爾·馬利斯)

人權不顯然,自由不顯然,市場也不顯然。支援福利國家還是支援自由市場,兩邊都需要大量的思考和背景知識。

而當時擺在桌面上的現實是這樣的:城市裡有成片的貧民窟,工人被解僱後毫無救濟,女人帶著十個孩子喂不飽他們,嬰兒死亡率高得嚇人,沒有下水道,沒有衛生條件,大多數人既不識字也沒受過教育。

這時候有人站出來說:大家一起出力,每個人都會有衣服、有食物、有教育,每個人各盡所能。開頭會苦一陣子。這套說辭的說服力,放在那個背景下幾乎是壓倒性的。

馬利斯順手補了一刀:一件從沒被真正試過的事情,最容易說得漂亮,因為你只需要描述結果有多好。

瑞典與委內瑞拉之間隔著什麼

他給了一個很好用的比喻:

“委內瑞拉人沒有投票給委內瑞拉,他們投票給的是瑞典,最後得到的是委內瑞拉。”(邁克爾·馬利斯)

支援民主社會主義的人常說,我們要的是瑞典,目標裡沒有委內瑞拉。問題在於,投票那一刻你能選的是承諾,結果不在這張選票上。承諾長著瑞典的臉,落地之後可能長著委內瑞拉的臉。

他還點出那個年代共產主義和知識分子之間的相關性。這套理論對“太聰明的人”特別有吸引力:現在的掌權者是商人、是繼承了大莊園的少爺,換成我們這些看得懂規律的人來管,因為我們心是好的,因為我們真的關心小人物,小人物就不會被漏掉。

這段話值得反覆讀。它描述的是一種自我確認的迴圈:我的動機是善的,所以權力的後果也會是善的。

給社會主義辯護的最好版本

萊克斯請他把社會主義的最強論證講一遍。馬利斯給出了三條,講得相當認真。

第一條是道德上的兜底。純靠私人產業加慈善,總有人會掉進縫裡。他用瀕危物種打比方:長得可愛的動物容易籌到錢,某個沒人關心的怪青蛙就籌不到。人也是一樣,一個人如果在社會意義上不討喜,比如有精神疾病、有殘疾、沒法自己謀生,靠自願捐贈的系統裡,他很可能被漏掉。由國家接管,理論上可以保證最底層、最糟糕的情況也不至於餓死街頭。

第二條是出生彩票。你出生在洛克菲勒家,我出生在波蘭,你一輩子不用為吃飯發愁,我要為孩子看病的錢發愁。你什麼都沒做就贏了,我還要尊重你全部的財產。憑什麼?

第三條是媒體。如果媒體按利潤運作,它就會餵養人身上最原始、最獵奇的那部分,變成資本控制的工具。如果由國家來管,而國家代表所有人,那麼每個人的聲音都有機會被聽見,不會被操縱。

這三條都不是稻草人。馬利斯把它們擺出來,是因為他清楚對手的最強版本長什麼樣。

國家消亡的三步走,第二步是個問號

馬克思的終局是國家消亡,最終走向無政府狀態。馬利斯對這個過程的評價非常刻薄,他把它比作《南方公園》裡那集“內褲侏儒”的商業計劃:

第一步,偷內褲。第二步,問號。第三步,賺錢。

換成馬克思主義的版本就是:第一步,全面共產主義,國家掌管一切,包括教育。第二步,問號。第三步,無政府狀態。

中間那個問號,靠的是一個假設:時間足夠長之後,人的本性會改變,改變到政府變得多餘,每個人都會自然而然地去做他該做的那份。這個假設沒有任何機制支撐,它只是一個願望。

他講了里根的一個笑話來收尾:

“兩個共產主義者在莫斯科街上走,一個問:到了嗎?我們到全面共產主義了嗎?另一個說:沒有,還會糟得多。”(邁克爾·馬利斯轉述里根講過的笑話)

法律上平等,不等於事實上平等

萊克斯在這裡推了一步:文化能不能改變人性?美國建國時寫下的“人人生而平等”,這套觀念滲透進文化之後,會不會改變我們看待彼此的方式,進而改變我們的本性?

馬利斯的回答是沒有。他區分了兩件事。

“無罪推定”是一條法律原則,它不意味著被告事實上無辜。那個人要麼殺了人,要麼沒殺,規則上的假定改變不了這個事實。同樣,“人人生而平等”是一條法律和倫理上的標尺,它極其重要,卻沒法當成對事實的描述。

他引了托馬斯·索維爾(Thomas Sowell)的說法:一個人跟自己都不相等,一天之內他的狀態起起落落;同卵雙胞胎基因完全一樣,兩個人也不相等。

萊克斯反問:法律會不會變成倫理?我們會不會把正義內化成直覺?

馬利斯認為這是轉移話題。人總會更偏向自己的家人而不是陌生人,更偏向自己人而不是外人。真正的平等意味著你媽和街角那個人在你心裡沒有區別,他看不到這件事有任何可能發生。

歷史沒有劇本,只有一堆岔路口

書裡有一條歷史觀貫穿始終:歷史沒有必然性。

列寧奪權在當時被全世界的社會主義者和無政府主義者視為烏托邦式的妄想。他之前已經在俄國試過一次,失敗了。魯登道夫(Erich Ludendorff)把他送回去,只想著削弱俄國、解決東線。結果十月革命成了,而且成了之後沒有像所有人預期的那樣迅速崩掉。

更值得琢磨的是當時莫斯科和聖彼得堡的反應。很多人第一反應是:這到底是什麼意思?沒人當真。等到契卡和秘密警察出現,人們才開始意識到這幫人是認真的,但即使到那時候,主流判斷仍然是撐不了多久。美國很長一段時間不承認蘇聯的合法性,問題就來了:如果你不承認列寧和斯大林政府,那誰是俄國的政府?沙皇嗎?現實是,他們不走。

馬利斯列了一串這樣的岔路口。大蕭條持續那麼久,和羅斯福的選擇有關;《凡爾賽條約》如果處理得不一樣,德國會不會重新武裝、會不會出現惡性通脹、會不會有希特勒,都是另一條線。他把這些叫作“選擇你自己的冒險”時刻。

他明確反對那種歷史必然論的馬克思主義史觀:一旦起了某個頭,矛盾就會自動展開,結局已經寫好了。

“我不相信這種想法。起點定下來,矛盾自己展開,歷史必然走向某個終點,這太荒謬了。”(邁克爾·馬利斯)

聖誕老人是個計劃經濟者

話題轉到聖誕,兩個人開始胡鬧。

萊克斯說,聖誕老人搞的是任意的財富再分配。馬利斯糾正他:那跟再分配可差得遠,那是他一個人決定誰乖誰壞,而且只有他知道標準,資金來源也從來沒人交代清楚。萊克斯接著問,那間工坊裡僱了多少人?馬利斯說,是奴隸。萊克斯說,那些精靈的用工條件確實需要調查一下。

玩笑背後是一段認真的觀察。馬利斯說,從歷史看聖誕本來不是大節日,它變成今天這個樣子是很晚近的事。但它能佔據整個文化,是因為它承載的觀念最有力:兄弟情誼、善意、慷慨。

復活節也很強,畢竟是死亡與復活。但聖誕講的是人和人之間的溫度。

他說自己最反感當代文化的一點,是對犬儒的推崇。你喜歡這首歌,好可愛好傻。這種“我早就看穿了”的姿態成了一種社交貨幣。而聖誕是一年裡唯一一段時間,你可以高興、可以善良、可以對人說“我珍惜你這個朋友”,而別人不能翻白眼。大家被允許暫時不裝酷。

外面又冷又黑,屋裡是暖的。新的一年還沒來,但可以先盼著它更好。俄國的嚴冬老人(Ded Moroz)在元旦來,意思也差不多:讓下一年比這一年強。

這就是他說的希望和歡樂的節日。追名逐利那一整套忽然停下來,安靜那麼幾天。

犬儒者最愛自稱現實主義者

書裡有一句被萊克斯專門拎出來的話:犬儒者喜歡撒謊,管自己叫現實主義者,於是任何對好結果的期待都可以被打成天真或者烏托邦。

這句話點破了一種很常見的運作方式。先把悲觀包裝成清醒,再把樂觀汙名化成幼稚,最後剩下的唯一合法姿態就是嘲諷。嘲諷不需要成本,不需要負責,也永遠不會被證偽。

馬利斯寫這本書,某種程度上就是在跟這種氛圍較勁。他花了大量篇幅寫 20 世紀的惡,蘇聯那一整套,寫得足夠具體,足夠殘酷,不給任何浪漫化的空間。然後他在這個基礎上說:看清了,還是不放棄。

這兩件事必須同時成立。缺了前一件,白丸就變成廉價的正能量。缺了後一件,人就滑進黑丸,坐在房間裡笑所有還在做事的人。

他和萊克斯常年吵架,這件事上卻站在同一邊

節目裡兩個人在政治和哲學上分歧不小,而且吵得很享受。萊克斯在開場就說,他們 disagree 得很開心。

分歧不影響他對這本書的判斷。他用了好幾個詞來誇:心碎的、極度私人的、了不起的。他說馬利斯對人類有很深的愛,把心血全放進了這本書裡。

這也是白丸麻煩的地方。它很容易被誤讀成另一種雞湯:反正都會好起來的,別想太多。馬利斯寫的東西恰恰相反。他沒有略過任何一個慘烈的細節,他的樂觀是穿過那些細節之後剩下的東西,不是繞開它們。

讀這本書時的正確姿勢大概是:先允許自己被 20 世紀的惡壓得喘不過氣,然後再看他還剩下什麼話要說。剩下的話,就是白丸。

一個九分和一個零分

節目開頭那段打分,其實和整本書的主題是扣著的。

馬利斯給自己打九分,說他在儘量做對的事。萊克斯打零分,他是個極度自我批評的人,說自己在朝零分努力。

一個承認自己做過錯事但總體向好的人,和一個把自己判到零分的人,坐在同一張桌子前聊 20 世紀的善惡。這個畫面本身就挺有意思。自省到極致容易滑向自我消耗,寬容到極致容易滑向自我開脫。兩種極端放在一起,反而顯出中間那條路的位置。

馬利斯在節目裡說過一句話,可以作為整本書的註腳:政治裡沒有什麼東西是顯而易見的。誰要是告訴你某件事顯而易見,他多半只是在告訴你,這件事對他很顯眼。

這句話可以用來對付所有打包票的人,包括那些告訴你人類註定完蛋的人。

  • 去 whitepillbook.com 把《白丸》買下來。這個連結會跳轉到亞馬遜頁面,買一本是最直接的支援方式。
  • 讀這本書的時候,把書裡提到的原始史料找來對照幾處。馬利斯的價值在於他把線索串起來了,但線索本身值得你自己走一遍。
  • 以後再遇到“歷史必然如此”的敘事,停下來找岔路口。列寧回俄國、凡爾賽條約的條款、大蕭條持續的長度,每一個都是本可以走向別處的節點。
  • 分清“法律上視為平等”和“事實上相等”。前者是必須守住的制度底線,後者經不起推敲,混為一談會同時毀掉兩頭。
  • 聽到任何承諾“過渡期會苦一陣子”的方案,追問三個問題:過渡期多長,誰來承擔代價,如果人性沒按計劃改變怎麼辦。
  • 警惕那些自稱現實主義者的人。先看他的悲觀有沒有帶來任何具體行動,如果只剩嘲諷,那和清醒無關。
  • 聖誕那幾天,允許自己高興。不裝酷,不預支絕望,把“我珍惜你”這句話說出口。
文稿由本站用語音識別模型(基於官方釋出音訊)機器轉寫,可能有識別錯誤,人名與數字請以音訊為準。
Lex Fridman Podcast #347 – Michael Malice: Christmas Special Machine transcription by Qwen3-ASR 0.6B (MLX, local, Apache-2.0). May contain recognition errors. The following is a conversation with Michael Malis. This is a special holiday episode, and it is made extra special because it's announcing the release of Michael's new book called The White Pill: A Tale of Good and Evil. Michael and I disagree on a lot of ideas in politics and philosophy, and we have a lot of fun disagreeing. But there is no question that he has a deep love for humanity and puts his heart and soul into his work, especially into this heart-wrenching, deeply personal book. So I ask that you support him by buying it at whitepillbook dot com that should hopefully forward to the Amazon page. As always, we each dressed up in a ridiculous outfit without coordinating for the chaos that makes life so damn interesting. This episode is full of humor, darkness, and love, which is the best way to celebrate the holidays. And now a quick few second mention of each sponsor. Check them out in the description. It's the best way to support this podcast. We got House of Macadamias for delicious macadamia based snacks, Inside Tracker for biological monitoring, NetSuite for business management, and Simply Safe for home security. Choose wisely, my friends. And now onto the full ad reads. As always, no ads in the middle. I try to make them interesting, but if you must skip, please tell check out the sponsors in the description. I enjoy their stuff, maybe you will too. This show is brought to you by a new sponsor, a delicious sponsor, House of Macadamias, a company that ships delicious, high quality and healthy macadamia nuts directly to your door. I've gotten a shipment what is it two weeks ago. Two weeks ago, and it brought happiness to my heart. I won't mention which episode, perhaps you might know, but it was a very stressful episode. I was getting attacked a lot online and I was just very stressed and I was feeling lonely. I was feeling you know out of it sometimes. Sometimes your heart, sometimes your mind could take you to some low places. So I was sitting there on the couch and I got this shipment. The doorbell rang and I came outside and it was a mysterious box. And I bought it in like it was the holidays, but it wasn't the holidays yet. And I opened it up and there was like a variety of delicious snacks. They're extremely healthy and extremely delicious, and I partook in the snackage. And it was glorious. I immediately felt better. It's just for many reasons. Obviously, it's delicious, but also brought joy to my heart that there is people out there that really care about crafting. Like a culinary art, essentially crafting out a snack from really good ingredients that you could just tell a lot of love went into it. Nutritionally, there is a lot of nice things that I could say. It's thirty percent less carbs than almonds. Let us not debate how I pronounce almonds or almonds. I think I am horrible with this. I forget which is the right way. It's the only nut rich in omega sevens. This is basically the healthiest nut. I feel like there is a good joke in there. Anyway, go to house of macadamias dot com slash lex to get twenty percent your first order. You will not regret it, my friends. This show is also brought to you by Inside Tracker, a service I use to track biological data. What I want to know is the data that was coming from my heart and mind during the partaking of the macadamia snackage. The great, the glorious, happiness. I wonder how the body communicates happiness. Short term, like moment by moment, minute by minute, hour by hour, day by day, weeks, years—sort of the progression of human life, the ups and downs. There must be signals in there, and I think that's a really promising direction to take health advice to take medical advice. To collect the full raw set of signals your body provides to help you determine the different turns to take in life, whether that's lifestyle or diet changes, all of that kind of stuff. I think that's obviously the future. That's why I am excited about Inside Tracker. They're taking those early big leaps into that future. You can get special savings for a limited time when you go to insidetracker dot com slash lex. This show is also brought to you by NetSuite, an all in one cloud business management system. They manage everything: your financials, human resources, inventory, e commerce if you are that kind of business and many business related details. They automate the the messy, the difficult, the challenging processes that are required to run a business. For me, the idea of running a business is really exciting—not for all the things I just mentioned, but for the idea generation, for the design, for the engineering. For the mass production, achieving scale for all the challenges of bringing down the cost while bringing up the quality—all of those trade-offs—and all the different people involved getting to work with and getting to be inspired by them, rethinking how things have done in the past, doing things in a totally new way, taking huge risk—all that is super exciting. And ultimately, you do that to help some aspect of the world. In my case, the dream is to add a little bit of love to the world with things that create. And I mean that's super exciting to me. Now there is a bunch of messy things that are required to make all of that happen, and financials and human resources and inventory—all that is extremely important. So you should use the best tools for the job of running a business. Go to netsuite dot com slash lex to access their one of a kind financing program. This show is also brought to you by Simply Safe, a home security company designed to be simple and effective. Thirty minutes setup and you can customize the system for your needs. I think it took me even less than that. It's incredible. It's the first layer of physical protection that I have. Of course, I have other layers. I take my safety and security extremely seriously, but for most of us, the basic low hanging fruit solution should be a good, easy to set up, easy to use security system. Simply Safe is the best of the best for that. Like I said, I have it set up on my place and I love it. Go to simplysafe dot com slash lex to get a free indoor security camera plus twenty percent off your order with interactive monitoring. Part of me wants to have a nearly infinite number of cameras in my house so I can do full three D reconstruction and at some point transfer myself into a virtual world. And not know it like somebody else sets it up so I'll be living in a virtual world with the exact same experience as I have in the physical world and I wouldn't know it and it'd be some fascinating experiment and in that place too there would need to be security and it would be a perfect reconstruction of the Simply Safe system but in a virtual world that would be incredible. Anyway, it's simplysafe dot com slash lex. This is the lex Friedman podcast that supported. Please check out our sponsors in the description. And now dear friends, here is Michael Malis. Since this is a Christmas special, a holiday special, have you been a good or a bad boy, Michael this year? Well, that's interesting. One of the people in the book Granville Hicks, his autobiography starts with, "I was a good boy, and he wasn't a very good boy." On a scale one to ten, I am trying to think of what bad things I've done. Oh, okay, there is that. Okay, wait, that's not that was no that was not that that's all right. I would say nine. Nine, yeah, I try to do the right thing. What are you? You are is it going to be one or zero? Yeah, no, I am extremely self critical. I push the zero. Okay, I reach for the zero. Well, mission accomplished. So this this episode is announcing the release of The White Pill, a book you wrote, which is I've gotten the honor, the privilege, the pleasure of being one of the first people to read it. You are the first. So I am really I don't know if nervous is the word, but you are the first person who has read it that I am speaking to about it. My first, my last, my everything. Yes, you say that to all the girls, but all the girl, all the fembots, all the fembots. But yeah, it was a truly incredible book. It's basically a story of evil in the twentieth century, and throughout it, you reveal a thread that gives us hope. And that's the idea of the white pill. So there is the the blue pill and the red pill. There is the black pill, which is a kind of deeply cynical, maybe apathetic, just giving up on the world, given that you see behind the curtain and given that you don't like what you see, given that there is so much suffering in the world, you give up. That's the black pill and the white pill. I suppose is even though you acknowledge that there is evil in the world, you don't give up. Yes, so if you are listening to this and you are a fan of this podcast, you go to whitepillbook dot com it'll go to it. Whitepillbook dot com and if you don't know how to spell, we'll probably have a link that you can click on. So for people who also don't know, Michael Malis is not just a troll, not just a hilarious comedic genius who hosts his own podcast, but he is an incredible brilliant author, dear reader, the unauthorized autobiography Kim Jong Il. So that's a story of North Korea, the new right, a journey to the fringe of American politics. That's the story of the extremes of the United States political movements and then the anarchist handbook that's talking about the ideologies, the different flavors of ideologies of anarchism. But on top of that, you are now going in, going into the darkest aspects of the twentieth century with the Soviet Union and the communism with the white pill. So let me ask you, let's start at the beginning. At the end of the nineteenth century, as you write, the terms socialist, communist, and anarchist were used somewhat loosely and interchangeably because the prophesy Marxist society was one in which the state had famously withered away. There was a great disagreement about what a socialist system would look like in practice, but two things were clear. First, that socialism was both inevitable and scientific—the way of the future—and second, that the capitalist ruling class were not going down without a fight. So what are the key points of disagreement between the socialist, the anarchist, the communist along that at that time at the begin at the end of the nineteenth century at the beginning of the twentieth century. The possibility of the century lay before us that eventually led to the first and the second world war. The idea when the industrial revolution came and Marx was very much a product of industrial revolutionary thinking was okay now that we have technology, now that we have science, we can scientifically manage society. We saw this very much with Woodrow Wilson and this kind of idea of progressivism that you know we could use technology and kind of not capitalism in their view. Unfettered capitalism was wasteful. You are making too much stuff, you have surpluses, you have shortages. If we produce just exactly what we need and you have these people engineers, they're engineering society, then you know everyone will be happy and you won't have to have any suffering or waste. So socialism at that time was used as a broad umbrella. It's not using the term that it means today of necessarily state socialism. It just meant the idea of having society scientifically run. So you had a huge argument. Their different wings, you even had it from the beginning with Marx versus Bakunin because Marx was for obviously state socialism, the absolute state running everything. Although even with Marx and Engels, it was a means to an end. After man is remade in his very nature, then the state withers away and everyone's equal and and you have this kind of heaven on earth situation. Bakunin you know was the opposite. He regarded the state as inherently immoral and wanted to have kind of like workers collectives and things like that and ultra localized control. So the end was always stateless. It's just that some people viewed the state as a convenient, effective intermediate state. Well, I think at least Marx and Bakunin there are plenty of others who just regarded it you know have the work have state owner have the workers you know control the production via the state. By the way, how does my hat look? It looks great, festive. Is this side better than the other side? I think you want it on this side so people can see you. Oh no, no, I want it. You know, like when you have like hair, peekaboo hair. It's called Veronica Lake. I think was her name. And then I just glance flirtatiously toward the camera sometimes. I got a state. Don't go. Sure. No glove, no love. The bad, the bad aspect of white gloves is the blood stains them. So you have to get new ones every time. And now I glance flirtatiously after that. I am sorry. Okay, Bakunin and Marx. Go ahead. So there were there were there were other socialists who did not regard this kind of end times where the state with wither away at all, and there were you know various strains in between where you know you'd have some capitalism and some socialism. You know the concept of a safety net came out of socialist thinking. The Labour Party came out the Fabian Socialists in Great Britain. Their logo was a wolf in sheep's clothing, and then when that was too on the nose, they changed it to a tortoise meaning we're going to get to socialism slowly in the sense of either gradualism or boiling a frog. And also the big part of this thinking at the time this is again the late nineteenth century is the idea that there is going to be a worldwide workers' revolution. It wasn't going to be that you know in one country you know it was going to happen and then all the other country be capitalist. The idea was all right, like the workers in Germany have more in common with the workers in America than the workers in Germany have with the capitalists in Germany. So the idea is all right, like the working class all over the world at one point they're going to be like we're being exploited, it's getting worse and worse for us, we can't feed our families, we're getting injured and so on and so forth, and there is no compensation for this. We're just going to overthrow our chains and we're going to run everything ourselves. We're the ones running it already anyway, and you know this was a doing all the work and we're doing all the work. So why why shouldn't we be getting all the benefit? What's the role of violence in all of this? So this was a big source of contention. So the Fabians, for example, in Britain who were all socialists, they were very heavily of the idea that we can do this through the ballot box. We can advocate and agitate and get the people to be voting for their own self interest and furthering the state at the expense of the capitalist class. Then there were the people who were the hardcore anarchists who were like, if voting changed anything, they wouldn't let us do it. And the only way to have a revolution is to have a revolution to kill, to overthrow, to seize these factories. And this was a big argument, and it also fed into the idea of where does free speech end? Is it legal to be giving speeches advocating for violence and revolution? Is it legal, Johann Most, you know who I discuss in the book and in the anarchist handbook? He published a book in the eighteen hundreds about how to build dynamite and how to build bombs, and this is a big free speech concern at the time because now anyone in their own house can make a bomb and kill lots of people. And this is something that was happening with enormous frequency at the time. And people tend to think you know because we have these kind of prejudices or we only remember what's happening now. But this was a I mean World War Two, excuse me World War One got started with the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. There were lots of people McKinley is another one who I discuss in the book his assassination. There was lots of violence happening very regularly, and with the creation of dynamite, it kind of exponentially became more dangerous and threatening. Even now on Wall Street, there was a bomb that went off I think in the nineteen twenties, and the shards of shrapnel are still in the J P Morgan building I believe. Do ever think if you were alive during that time what you would be doing? You think of yourself as an anarchist, right? Would you be where would you be? Would you be a socialist, communist? Which parties would you attend figuratively and literally? Well, the thing that was so interesting back then is there was a woman named Mabel Dodge Luhan and she ended her days in town New Mexico. She found an artist colony and she had an apartment on ninth street and fifth avenue in Manhattan, a shadow salon, and everyone got together and talked and you'd have Emma Goldman who's an anarchist, Margaret Sanger who invented Planned Parenthood and advocated for birth control, and you'd have the people from the Wobbly's, the hardcore labor unions, and everyone kind of Edsel Menken didn't attend but he was friends with them all. So there was this very weird with the birth of modernism in art and and in kind of modernist thinking. There was this idea of like all right, like this was the first time where you could be intellectual as a class where there really was this space for people who are thinkers and they just sat around being like all right, like what are we going to do with ourselves? You know and you had it in modern art, you had it in literature, you had it in politics. So it was a very exciting time where people were like all right, like everything is now on the table. What are we going to do with this? And they very much were aware that this was a break with you know the pre-industrial revolution kind of farmer labor era. Do you see? Do you think for you violence would be compelling? No, first of all, I am too small. But second, I just dynamite doesn't care about your size. Yeah, but I mean retribution does, and I think I don't know, but to me violence is the kind of thing where you think you are running it, but it's running you. Once you you know cross that line, you know violence sings its own song. So whenever I hear even contemporary times where people are advocating for you know violent actions, it's like when you start a fire, you are not like I am just going to burn down this house. You know it's it's it's and there is many cases over and over of people who are building bombs or trying to assassinate someone or things like that and it ended up literally, literally, literally blowing up in their own face. So and violence doesn't really work necessarily because you know if you have an assassination, you are not assassinating the presidency. You know if you take out you know a president, there is another president instantly there. So what have you accomplished? Someone's husband, dad is gone. You replace him with someone who now is in a position to crack down and a retaliate with even more violence. So it it's it the calculus for me isn't there. Would I be advocating it for then? Who knows. Um, but I mean I don't know if I'd be above the space to be. I certainly wouldn't have the space to be a podcaster or like a media personality. That wasn't really a thing. It to some extent it was in the 1920s with the Algonquin roundtable and all the people from the New Yorker magazine. But they were all drunks, you know. It was very much a a weird kind of situation to be a thinker. What would you think you'd do? Work at a carnival? You look good in lipstick, so. Well, thank you. I look in anything. What would I? I don't know. I mean, you're not building robots. I mean, you could have been a Tesla, right? Okay. I didn't mean a car. I meant the person. Like. I understand. Oh, thank you for explaining the witty comments to me. I wasn't witty at all because you wouldn't. John Einstein because your name he was an immigrant. So I wouldn't work with an immigrant. What does that even mean? No, you wouldn't even a Tesla like figure. There's already a Tesla, so you wouldn't literally be Tesla. That's why I said a Tesla. Oh, a Tesla. Okay, so all right. I thank you for the explanation. See, Michael doesn't only make funny things; he also explains them for you. It wasn't funny. Man plays them. It wasn't funny at all. That I agree with. Okay, okay, so yes, when when you achieve. See, this is why Kanye didn't like you. It's this. All right, I'm I'm downgrading you from a nine down to an eight. If you keep talking like this, a five is a real possibility. All right, so vacuum is the kind of vacuum that's created with violence is is usually filled with like a with a harsh with a harsher figure. So, so you don't think violent revolution ultimately leads to positive to positive progress in the short term. Well, sometimes it does. The American Revolution, I think, was a positive example, and overthrowing the czar, which was done peacefully, was a positive example. But again, when violence happens, people get scared and they want the violence stopped immediately, and that's a call for authoritarianism. And you see it time and time again, and and they also want retribution. They were like, "Bring this back to normal," and they don't really worry about things like civil liberties or things like that. It's it's a very and then it also creates this space for invasion from foreign sources or demagogues. You know, like oh, look, they're killing us in the streets. Now you got to support me. It's it's a very deadly game, obviously. I remember somebody told me that I forget where it was, but they they told me that from the very beginning was obvious that communism is an evil system that would or a system that leads to evil. And to me at least, that's not if I had to put put myself in the beginning of the 20th century at the end of the 19th century. That's totally not obvious. They are trying to elevate humanity, the the basic worth of a human being of a hardworking human being of the working class of the people that are doing the work and striving and just really trying to build up society with their own hands. It seems like a beautiful ideal. So I guess the question is, can you see yourself believing in that in in the ideas of socialism and communism? Yeah, let's say if you were living in Russia. Oh, yeah, easily. So first of all, I don't think anything is obvious in politics. It's not obvious that you know humans have rights. It's not obvious that liberty is better or the markets either. Either whether you're for you know a welfare state or you're for more free markets, neither of those is obvious. Both of them involve a enormous amount of thought and background information. So when someone says something is obvious in politics, they really mean something is apparent. Well, it's not apparent on its face that if we all get together and promote a society based on equality and we all chip in, that it's going to really be good for everyone. I mean that to me is the promise of communism. And it was also very appealing to many people because it was new. So the idea was, all right, we've tried it these other ways. There's all these negative consequences. You have all these slums. You have people getting you know fired and then they have no recourse. You have women with ten kids and they can't feed their kids infant mortality. You have don't have sanitation. You don't have food. You know everyone's illiterate and uneducated. And then here saying, look, if we all chip in together, everyone will have clothes, everyone will have food, everyone will be educated, everyone will do their part. It's going to be rough in the short period. That's a very compelling case to be made for communism. It's really easy in many ways when something hasn't been tried to make it sound compelling because you just talk about how great it's going to be and then no one no one. You know people are always arguing about like Venezuela and Sweden. Like oh, you know you want democratic socialism to be like Sweden. You don't want to be like Venezuela. The Venezuelans didn't vote for Venezuela. They voted for Sweden. They ended up with Venezuela. So it's I think. And the thing with communism, especially at that era, it was very much a correlated with people who are too smart for their own good. Because they had the idea that if we are just put in charge instead of these like business for people or these heirs to great estates, if the people who are smart and get it like us, I don't mean you and me like the people at the time who are advocating for it. Once we're in charge, since we're good people and we want what's best for everyone, we're going to make sure everyone's taken care of and you know they always talked about how much they cared about the little guy and so I'm sure some of them meant it a lot and like look if the guy in charge is very much concerned with the little guy, he's not going to slip between the cracks and it's just going to be absolutely great. And we don't have to worry about you know you know the capitalist class just basically exploiting people and having these huge estates while these people can't even feed their own families. Since we have a little bit of momentum, can you steal me on the case for socialism at that time and even today? I don't know if it's I don't know if there's a rhyme and a similarity to those to socialism was implemented at that time and what could possibly be implemented today, but maybe you can dance between the two. The steelman argument for socialism is if you have everything up to private industry, you do not have a guarantee that someone won't fall between the cracks. And the other concern is in any other context if someone is let's suppose mentally ill, right through no fault of their own and they or someone's handicapped, you know they can't feed themselves or mentally disabled or something like that. If you have everything up to charity, some you see this with like endangered species, right? The species that are cute, it's easy to raise money for them and protect them. Some weird kind of frog somewhere that no one cares about, you can't raise money for it. There's people's interests are to what they find interesting. So someone is someone who's like not socially appealing in some way, whatever capacity. They're going to fall between the cracks and they're screwed under socialism. If you have a government taking care of everything, no one is left behind. You are guaranteed that the lowest of the low and the worst of the worst are still going to make sure that they're not starving the street or just left behind. So that is a big moral case to be made for having the state running everything. In terms of economics, it's a lot harder. But the argument there would be it's why it's it's not fair a term which in my view does not actually have a good meaning. But it's not fair that because you were born a Rockefeller and I was born in Poland that you never have to worry about food the rest of your life. Whereas I have to worry about you know paying for a doctor for my kid. Like you just you won this lottery when you're born and now I have to be screwed and have to respect all your property. Why? So that is another strong argument to be made for socialism. And the other argument is if you have a media apparatus that is operated under profit seeking principles, it is going to feed into people's worst qualities, most basic animal like qualities and sensationalist qualities and will be used as a mechanism for capitalist control. Whereas if the government which represents all of us all of us is running things, then everyone will have a right to have their voice heard and won't be manipulated. That's the argument. What about the reaching towards the stateless version? Sort of because you espouse ideas of anarchism, it kind of has the same conclusion, which is reaching towards removal of the state to where we I guess have some distributed reallocation of resources that are quote unquote fair. But the thing is the the Marxist vision of the state withering away and becoming anarchism. It's really kind of like the underpants gnomes because it's like. Tell me more. Well, step one, you have Marx. Tell me slowly. I'm sorry. You have full communism, the state's running everything, including education. Step two, question mark. Step three, anarchism. So their idea was that after enough time, the nature of man himself was going to change, change and then the government would be superfluous because we would all be equal and we would all naturally or socially whatever term they would use want to act the part that we would need to do. And in fact Reagan had a great joke about this where there were two where there were two communists I think in Moscow and one of them they're walking around they're going is this it is this have we done it have we reached full communism. The other goes oh no it's going to get a hell of a lot worse. So you know that's kind of the counter argument to that. Do you think culture society can change the nature of man? No, so no matter you don't think this idea that for example America has been founded on that all men are created equal. That that idea can't permeate the culture and in thereby change how we see each other, how we think of the basic worth of a human being and thereby change our nature. That doesn't change that's epigenetic. I don't I don't think that that changes the nature of man. I think for example if I say someone which I agree with that someone is innocent until proven guilty, they're not literally innocent. They're regarded in a legal context as innocent, but that person is or is not a murderer, thief or so on and so forth. So we can legally and ethically regard everyone as equal. But as Thomas Soul pointed out, a human being isn't equal to himself over the course of a day. Twins who are genetic clones are not equal to one another. So it is a important thing legally and it's a good yardstick. But it's not literally true. But don't you think that law becomes ethics? So we we that like idea of justice starts to like we start to internalize it that we just the way we behave the way we think about the world. No, I I think it's a complete red herring because no one is no you're a red herring. Okay, see what I did there. Because someone is people are still going to always prefer their family to strangers or their in group to out group. So in terms if you're going to have equality, that means it's going to not matter to you whether someone is your mom or someone is you know someone down the street and I don't see how that will ever become the case. Do you think it would be possible if you were an intellectual like you are at the beginning of the 20th century? Would you be able to predict the rest of the 20th century? No, I don't think at all. I think there were so many out of nowhere turns that no one would have seen them coming. For and as an example, Lenin seizing power and making the Bolshevik Revolution a reality was regarded as utopian and insane. The fact that he pulled it off is close to miraculous and it was quite literally unprecedented. The fact that so that's a very big one. Which aspect of it sorry to interrupt? Which aspect was hard to predict that a singular figure with just some ideas would be able to take so much power and and maintain that power and remake that society so drastically so quickly despite such opposition. Also not just a set of temporary protests by hooligans that lead to turmoil in the short term but then stabilizes but literally changes the entirety of the society. Yeah, Lutendorf who was the German general. He's like all right, we got to get the Russians out of World War One. He's the one who's like all right, let's get this lunatic Lenin who already tried and failed to have a revolution in Russia. Let's send him back there and he's just going to cause problems for everybody and it's going to be great because it's going to weaken Russia and then our eastern front isn't going to have to be a problem. And then to his surprise and everyone else is including you know anarchists and communists worldwide. They pulled off this you know October Revolution and then for a while it's like all right. I mean, I mean I think my understanding is even people at the time in St Petersburg and in Moscow were like, what does this even mean? Right, like no one took it seriously. And then very quickly you had the Cheka and and the secret police and all these other kind of implementations of you know the communist state and people like oh they're not messing around, but they're like all right this is this is not going to last for for long and you know the USA the US and day we didn't even recognize the Soviet Union's legitimacy for very long time there were no diplomatic relations after certain point it's like who's the if you don't recognize Lenin and Stalin's government who's the government of this of Russia or the Soviet Union is it the czar like you have to recognize that it's just they're not going anywhere. So that was something that was not I think very predictable. The Great Depression in retrospect there were certain things that were predictable but it was not at all the case that it needed to last as long as it did in the states as FDR made it do. So there's all sorts of things. I mean if they fought Germany's remilitarization near World War World War II could have been prevented if you didn't have the Treaty of Versailles. Would you have the hyperinflation? Would you have Hitler? These are all I think choose your own adventure moments where things could have gone in other directions. I don't I don't believe this kind of idea. This is a very Marxist idea that like history is inevitable and once you start with certain premises the contradictions kind of unfold. I think that's ridiculous. I feel that there's power in the Santa Claus outfit. Yeah, I mean it's a fundamentally communist idea, right? Santa Claus arbitrary redistribution of wealth. It's not redistribution. Well, at least I decide who's good and bad. Only I only I know this, and I mean I am somehow getting funding from someone, right? No. Okay, listen. There's I have so much to teach you. You have a little Michael workshop. Yeah, and how many people do you think are employed in this workshop? They're slaves. Yes, I don't know how many elves are in the workshop. I think the rest of you are going to have to look into it. No, anyway, and the red colors and everything is that the biggest holiday of all time, Christmas like just in terms of the intensity of the festivities. No, I think Christmas is a very recent phenomenon. I think historically it was not a big deal. No, I know historically has not been, but in terms of how much it captivates, how intense it is, I guess from a capitalist perspective, like how much is going on, how visual it is, how intense it is, I think it grabs a whole population. I think it's because the idea of Christmas is probably the one of the most powerful holiday ideas. Easter is probably up there. It's Easter is obviously up there because you have Christ's resurrection, Christ dying, His resurrection. So that's kind of a big one, but but Christmas is the symbol of brotherhood and kindness and magnanimity. You know one of the things I despise about our culture is this glory and something I'm fighting very heavily with this book or at least attempting to is this glorification of cynicism. This kind of like oh you like this song that's cute stupid, whereas Christmas is the one time of year where you could be happy and joyous and kind and people don't get to roll their eyes at you. They get to stop being too cool for school and they get to be like you know I'm I enjoy your friendship your your my sister my brother my dad my mom whatever and it's the you know it was Iran's favorite holiday I adore it especially Christmas in New York and it's just this idea of like even though we're cold and it's dark outside you know it's still this kind of like it's still cozy and you and the next let's hope the next year is because with with with Russians Dzhidrov Santa comes on new years so it's kind of like let's make this next year an even better one. So it's very much the holiday of hope and joy. And like love for family for friendship and kindness and benevolence, yeah and like almost the whole that whole rat race of chasing material possessions and all that gets put on hold for a brief moment and just all goes quiet. But it's also about giving people material possessions like here like I value you this is the thing brings you joy yeah. Yeah, you write in the book which by the way people should go get buy right now if you support this podcast or if you support the ridiculous outfit that Michael's wear wears. The more books you buy, the more outfits he is going to wear. I've got two my next two appearances in the show assuming I don't burn this bridge. I've got some good ones. This bridge has been burning for a long time. We've been we've been going across the road by canoe at this point. Next time we're going to be swimming. How the hell are you going to swim? You're made out of lead. Yeah, true, sink to the bottom, get dragged across by rope. Okay, you write in the book cynics like to lie and call themselves realists, hoping for positive outcomes can thus be dismissed as being naive or utopian. Can you elaborate on this point just like you said right now? I mean, it it seems like a I don

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