第 200 期·中文精讀

邁克爾·馬利斯:極權主義與無政府主義

Michael Malice: Totalitarianism and Anarchy

結合歷史案例與個人經歷,討論極權體制如何運作、國家權力的邊界,以及無政府主義的可能形態。

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列寧的辦公室裡,艾瑪·戈德曼(Emma Goldman)當面告訴他:你們搞錯了。革命是為了個人,為了言論自由,為了所有人一起把社會往前推。

列寧的回答很短。言論自由是資產階級的發明,革命時期沒有這種條件。

戈德曼走進那間辦公室之前,剛被美國政府驅逐出境。她和搭檔亞歷山大·伯克曼(Alexander Berkman)被塞上一艘開往蘇俄的船,官方的意思很直白:你們不是要社會主義嗎,去啊,去嚐嚐。

她真去了。看到的東西讓她當場傻眼。

Lex Fridman 播客第 200 期,請來的是邁克爾·馬利斯(Michael Malice)。作家、無政府主義者,Lex 說他是自己最愛的朋友之一,一個能讓人笑、讓人思考、順便讓人懷疑自己為什麼說話總像快睡著的人。他寫過《新右派》,寫過講朝鮮的《親愛的讀者》,編了一本《無政府主義手冊》,把 1790 年代到 2014 年的無政府主義經典文章收在一起。

戈德曼是他反覆提起的名字。他把戈德曼、奧威爾、加繆列為歷史上最勇敢的三人組,理由很具體:這三個人都是左翼,而且都是從左邊向左邊開炮的那一種。

《動物農場》裡,人人都想當豬

節目開場,Lex 問了一個聽起來像閒聊的問題:如果真住在《動物農場》那座農莊裡,你想當哪隻動物?豬、馬、驢子本傑明、烏鴉摩西、瓊斯夫婦,還是那群羊?

馬利斯引用彌爾頓:寧在地獄為王,不在天堂為僕。所以他選豬。再往下選一層,選那頭叫拿破崙的領頭豬。

他隨即把話題掰開。《動物農場》當然可以讀成 1917 年俄國革命的寓言,但奧威爾的本意要寬得多,套在墨索里尼和希特勒身上一樣成立。任何一場打著解放旗號上臺、最後混成新主人的革命,都在射程裡。

而他真正想說的,是另一件事。奧威爾說過一句大意如下的狠話:我寫下的每一個字,都應該被讀作對民主社會主義的辯護。這句話常被引用奧威爾的右翼繞過去不談。可偏偏就是這三個貨真價實的左翼,成了對抗極權共產主義最有力的聲音。

從自己陣營內部去打自己陣營,需要多得多的勇氣。你的同胞、你的同行,會把你當成叛徒。(邁克爾·馬利斯)

人從左邊罵右邊,成本很低,掌聲很多。反過來,你要在自己人正衝鋒的時候站出來說方向錯了,你面對的不是敵人,是昨天還跟你喝酒的戰友。戈德曼走進列寧辦公室那一刻,她失去的並不是列寧的友誼,是畢生事業的歸屬感。

一個納粹守衛用一句謊話救了一條命

Lex 追問:那在這些時刻,一個有腦子的人到底能做什麼?

馬利斯先給了一個定義:正義必須實現,哪怕天塌下來。這是很多有良心的人共用的座右銘,意思很樸素,做對的事,不去計算後果。他自己也承認,這個定義很鬆,但夠用。

接著他講了 Twitter 上看到的一個故事,說自己查過那個人的名字沒查到,這個遺憾在節目裡說了兩遍。

奧斯維辛的佇列裡,一個納粹守衛問一位母親:這孩子多大了?母親說,十四。守衛壓低聲音說,不,他十二。母親堅持十四,守衛又說了一遍十二。母親最後聽懂了,順著改口。孩子因此活了下來,因為在當時的篩選規則裡,某條年齡線以下的人會被直接送進毒氣室。

馬利斯用這個故事回答什麼叫英雄主義:在沒有任何人監督的瞬間,冒著風險,用一句小謊話,把一個人從死亡名單上劃掉。它不會被寫進歷史書,不會有人給他立雕像,這個守衛自己可能第二天就死了。它還是發生了。

他緊跟著補上一個限定:要挑戰場。如果那個守衛拿著大喇叭站在高臺上公開喊“嘿,這孩子其實十二歲”,那什麼也救不了,只會把自己搭進去。勇氣不等於不算賬,勇氣是把賬算完了,還是決定往前走。

你以為盯上的是你,其實它盯的是你全家

馬利斯經常因為無政府主義立場捱罵。最常見的一串質問是:那警察你叫不叫?公路你走不走?所得稅你交不交?

他跟 Tim Pool 有過一次爭論。當時密蘇里或者伊利諾伊有對夫婦拿著槍被逮捕,最後接受了認罪協議。Tim 說,他們應該抗爭。馬利斯的回應是:說“應該抗爭”很容易,你不知道那個人處在什麼處境裡。

極權政權最擅長的事,是抓不到你本人的把柄時,轉向你的家人。

斯大林簽過一條法律,十四歲以上的未成年人可以對某些罪行判處死刑。於是 NKVD 審訊的標準操作變成這樣:桌上擺著一份對你孩子的死刑執行令,讓你看得清清楚楚。現在請你承認一項你沒犯過的罪。你會承認的。任何罪你都會承認。

你可以在那裡咬緊牙關,扛住所有的酷刑,很酷。那你的妻子呢?你媽媽呢?(邁克爾·馬利斯)

朝鮮的建國者金日成定下的規矩更徹底:階級敵人要株連三代。一個人犯了事,一家三代一起受罰,而且你往往不知道是誰害了所有人。沒有審判,沒有起訴書,沒有可以申訴的環節。這套邏輯在西方人的腦子裡幾乎轉不起來,因為它的前提是家庭被當作一個整體單位來獎懲,而西方人早就不這麼想了。

馬利斯把話說得很白:一個人為自己豁出去的時候,勇敢很容易。輪到孩子,輪到所愛的人,每個男人都會變成懦夫。

那什麼算不上勇敢?他在《衛報》上寫一篇專欄說“我不投票”,沒有任何後果,沒有任何風險,甚至連被開除的風險都沒有。這件事放在蘇聯做才叫有勇氣,而且那種勇氣幾乎什麼都改變不了。沒有代價的立場,和英雄主義基本無關。

加繆問的不是殺人對不對,是我們想成為誰

加繆這一段,馬利斯稱他是自己全部時間裡的燈塔,一個良心之人的樣板。

很多人聽到“加繆加入過共產黨”就準備下結論。馬利斯提醒看時間點:加繆入黨的時候,共產黨是法國境內對抗法西斯最積極的力量。他算不上堅定的共產主義者,入黨只是他參與地下抵抗、進入維希法國抵抗網路的方式。

那句常被歸到加繆名下的名言,其實是霍華德·津恩說的:思考的人的任務,是不要站在劊子手那一邊。加繆在諾貝爾獎演講裡表達的是同一件事的另一種說法:作家的職責,是阻止文明自我毀滅。

更有意思的對照在薩特身上。薩特是蘇聯的辯護者,古拉格的事情爆出來之後,他的態度大概是,就算是真的,我們也不該談。加繆呢,他大概更接近一個社會民主派,很少談政治應該是什麼樣,更愛談政治不該是什麼樣。

馬利斯拿《關於斷頭臺的思考》舉例。那篇文章反對死刑。它的論證並沒有落在“沒人有資格殺殺人犯”上面,也沒有落在“殺人犯其實不壞”上面。加繆問的是另一個問題:如果一個私人把另一個人關在房間裡,告訴他兩年後我要殺你,然後真的關他兩年,我們會怎麼評價這個人?我們會說他是個怪物。可國家做同一件事的時候,我們管它叫司法。

他整個寫作生涯都在對抗“惡”這個概念。但他問的是:我們是不是那種,會在別的場合被我們稱為酷刑和墮落的事情上,心安理得的人?(邁克爾·馬利斯)

順帶還有一個人物關係值得記住。薩特接受存在主義這個標籤,加繆拒絕,他自稱荒誕主義者。這兩個詞常被混著用,但當事人自己分得很清。一個在講終極自由的人居然替古拉格辯護,一個人的腦子裡可以同時裝進互相矛盾的觀念,還睡得著覺。馬利斯說,人的大腦很精巧,做這種事毫無難度,別以為一個人持 A 觀點就一定持 B 觀點。

荒誕不是虛無,是一張支在山腳的空白畫布

Lex 丟擲了那個技術性提問:荒誕主義聽起來離虛無主義只有一步,一切都沒有意義,那加繆怎麼還能談良心?

馬利斯的回答是,加繆的哲學明確定位成對虛無主義的回應和攻擊。他把犬儒看成一個人能有的最壞品質,還說了一句馬利斯自己書裡的話:寧可天真,也別當犬儒,因為犬儒是個絕望的人,正在把自己的絕望投射給整個世界。

然後是他自稱最受啟發的一個畫面。你走到山腳下,那裡支著一張空白的畫布和一個畫架。一類人走過來,只會覺得困惑:這畫布為什麼在這兒,這什麼情況?另一類人會想:山裡有張空白畫布,太好了,我可以畫這條河,畫那隻鳥,畫我的朋友,畫我自己,選擇無限,這是給我的禮物。

他補了另一層來源,小時候在猶太學校(yeshiva)反覆被教的東西:生活是上帝給的禮物,上帝希望你幸福,希望你以合乎道德的方式活得盡興。他講了一個比喻,說有次在教堂裡被問到猶太教怎麼看身後事,他一時答不上來,後來想起老師講過的場景。你坐在一桌宴席前,全世界最好的廚師在廚房裡,桌上有牛排、有雞、有壽司、酒在流,你想喝的汽水全都有,你環顧這一桌豐盛,然後轉頭問那位廚師:那甜點呢?這種冒犯的程度,已經不需要解釋了。先把這頓飯吃了。這位廚師如果真能端出這桌菜,甜點差不了。

所以把注意力全押在身後事上,而忽略手裡這桌已經擺好的飯,在他看來既偏離了猶太傳統,也偏離了加繆。

一頓爛透的飯,也能是快樂的來源

Lex 問:最近有什麼時刻讓你感到喜悅?馬利斯給了一個聽起來像段子、其實是整套世界觀的答案:他喜歡在一家爛餐廳吃飯。

你走進去,等了四十五分鐘才有座。餓得不行。服務員不理人。端上來的水裡有根頭髮。菜上錯了。再上一遍,溫的,還是錯的。

到某個時刻你會意識到:我今天在過一個段子。以後跟朋友聊起這頓飯,能聊好幾年。想想看,我此刻遭遇的最糟糕的事,不過是等一小時吃一頓做錯的飯。

他說,這就是喜悅:在一切都在往錯的方向走的當下,仍然握住“幸福和興旺是可能的”這個念頭。

Lex 順著追問:那是不是每一刻都有讓人充滿喜悅的可能?馬利斯說是。糟糕的時刻和美好的時刻都有。

然後他講了整期節目裡最重的一段。維克多·弗蘭克爾(Viktor Frankl)在《活出意義來》裡寫過集中營,你在裡面,突然多得到一點你沒想到會有的食物,甚至只是想一想食物,那一刻就是喜悅。或者你給營裡的一個孩子講了個笑話,他笑了,你讓那孩子在其他所有時間裡疼著的五分鐘之外,疼得輕了五分鐘。那已經是喜悅的最高形態。

他把愛定義成同一個東西的另一面。人們想到愛就想到愛情,他想到的是注意到彼此。就像兩條狗,先看對方一眼,再一起看它們共同感興趣的東西。餐廳裡那頓爛飯也這樣,你和朋友心照不宣地同時注意到這頓飯有多爛,那個“啊,你也發現了”的瞬間,就是生活美好的地方。

他們恨你,是因為你的存在推翻了他們的世界觀

Lex 提了一個他長期困惑的現象:網上有一批人,專門等著他失敗。他們希望他其實是個陰暗的人,希望他私下是個比爾·科斯比式的偽君子。

馬利斯的解釋從黑丸與白丸的說法切入,指的是對世界走向的悲觀與樂觀。

如果你吃了黑丸,認為一切都完了,那你的整個世界觀就架在這上面。這時候只要出現一個反例,哪怕只有一點點希望,你的整個假設就塌了。(邁克爾·馬利斯)

所以當他們看到你活得好好的,看到你這種水平的人居然能成功,他們受到的是一種世界觀層面的威脅:如果連你都能成,那我為什麼沒成?這個問題會帶來真實的焦慮,而消解焦慮最省事的辦法不是去努力,是證明你不配。

他舉了一個寫《新右派》時的觀察。有人嘲笑安迪·沃霍爾:他不就是畫了個湯罐頭嗎,就成百萬富翁了,這我也能幹。馬利斯的回應是:那你為什麼不幹?如果我拿著支票走到你面前說,畫一個湯罐頭,這一百萬就是你的,你在等什麼?

如果這件事真像他們說的那麼容易,他們為什麼還在評論區打字,而不是去做得更好,把你按在地上?

Lex 在這裡說了一句自我調侃:我大概比我應得的要受歡迎太多。馬利斯的回擊很乾脆:應得這個詞是什麼意思?他甚至不肯把這些人叫恨他的人,只說是某個人生的某個階段在享受網上貶低別人的活動。他寧可相信這些人本質不壞,問題出在思考方式上。

1941 年 6 月 22 日凌晨四點,基輔

節目後半段有一個情緒完全不同的段落。Lex 說他小時候一直被一首歌纏住,那是 1941 年 6 月 22 日的歌,唱的是凌晨四點整,基輔被轟炸,廣播裡宣佈戰爭開始了,就為了讓更多人被殺。父母在睡,孩子在睡,炸彈落下來。

讓他恐懼的是那個時間的精確:凌晨四點。任何一個人的普通人生,可以在某個精確到分鐘的時刻被徹底切斷。你原本以為能置身事外,然後炸彈落下,廣播開始念稿。

兩個人都來自俄裔猶太家庭。馬利斯從這裡講到祖母在利沃夫(Lviv)的經歷。那座城在西烏克蘭,納粹推進得極快,一旦德軍到達,你和所有親戚都活不下來,不牽扯機率,沒有可以自我安慰的空間,也沒有給自己編故事騙自己的餘地。

他描述了一種狀態,我覺得很多人沒有真正進入過:昨天你還在意自己的筆放哪兒了,今天廣播告訴你,從這一刻起大部分人會死,如果不想全死,就得打。戰爭不會像泰坦尼克號那樣,讓你坐下來開個會,商量誰上救生船。沒有這個選項。

祖母叫索菲亞,她一輩子記得那一次撲救

他講了一個細節,是整期裡最難受的一處。祖母回憶,有一次情況危急,可能是頭頂上有直升機,曾祖母撲到了祖母的弟弟身上,沒有撲祖母。祖母的名字叫索菲亞(Sophia)。這件事她記了一輩子,她一輩子都覺得自己母親當時選了她弟弟。

然後是飢餓。祖母說,餓到那個程度,腦子裡只剩下食物,因為大腦不讓你想別的,它只會一遍遍重複食物、食物、食物。而孩子也在這樣想,孩子知道自己拿不到食物。做一個父母,看著自己的孩子沒有食物,而且清楚地知道他們不會拿到,那種滋味。

1990 年代的朝鮮真實發生過這件事。馬利斯採訪過一位脫北者,那個人親眼看著自己的父親餓死。

他讀過的另一本書叫《五座煙囪》,作者是奧斯維辛的倖存者。書裡講到最讓人崩潰的部分是屠殺本身徹底沒有道理,連殘酷的邏輯都算不上。營裡有過一批捷克來的囚犯,待遇明顯好於猶太人,有一天這些人全被殺了。作者說她到現在都不明白,為什麼前一天還在給他們發食物、對他們客氣,第二天就全部殺掉,而這個答案永遠不會有人給出。還有一次決定處死所有孩子,執行的人下不去手,或者出於更殘忍的動機,於是改用另一種辦法,把孩子趕進雪地裡一直走,直到全部凍死。

他講這些的時候反覆回到一個點:草會長出來。有人去奧斯維辛,只說了一句,這裡長草。我們以為惡的現場應該像地獄的入口,可那裡有鳥,有知更鳥在跳著找蟲子,看起來完全正常。你站在那裡,知道這裡發生過什麼,那種錯位感最扎人。

昨晚在奧斯汀,所有店都關了,我買不到我的蛋白粉。這就是我在食物這件事上遭遇的全部苦難。(邁克爾·馬利斯)

馬利斯說,他和 Lex 躲過了這些子彈,現在能坐在麥克風前靠說話謀生,這件事他每天都在想。而讓他更不舒服的是,地球上很多地方,如果那些人有機會,會當場殺了他們,並以此為榮。

無政府主義說的是一段關係,跟地理位置無關

Lex 丟擲了一個他一直想不通的質疑:你說反對強制性等級,可人聚在一起自然就會形成等級,怎麼可能沒有等級?

馬利斯的澄清很乾脆。他反對的重點落在強制性上,等級本身他不打算否認。他不同意左翼無政府主義者那種“理論上可以存在完全無等級關係”的說法,他說自己在腦子裡都拼不出那是什麼東西。人跟人之間總有人更高、更壯、更聰明、更有錢。差異不是問題,問題是有沒有人擁有對別人施加意志的權力。

他給了一句自稱可以把整本書濃縮成一句的定義:

你不代表我。剩下的都是應用。(邁克爾·馬利斯)

按這個定義,無政府主義描述的是一段關係,它跟某個具體地點沒什麼關係。他和 Lex 現在就有等級,這是 Lex 的節目,Lex 是主持,他是客人。但誰也沒有權力強迫對方留在這段關係裡。他可以走,Lex 可以請他走。律師和客戶也這樣,醫生和病人也這樣。律師的意見他會聽,採納與否由他決定。

所以這個說法離狂想的烏托邦很遠,它就是人類關係的預設狀態:你遇到一個人,你們不完全平等,但在任何一方都沒有權力把意志強加給另一方之前,這段關係就是無政府狀態。約翰是斯蒂芬妮的律師,斯蒂芬妮是約翰的醫生,兩個場景裡各自有一方看起來有權威,可誰也沒法把對方按在地上。

至於美國,Lex 問得挺尖銳:美國不就是一個在無政府狀態裡長出來的集體,一套自然形成的等級嗎?馬利斯的回答是,美國是靠著武力和命令建起來的。不過他還是承認了 Lex 那層意思:現在這套關係裡,你交了錢,你能選人,它有領導人,那個東西和一個極其成功的服務提供商之間到底差什麼?

稅單和搶劫差在哪

Lex 提了一個很有誠意的反駁:換個框架看,稅能不能被理解為一種付費?如果我交的錢能對應到我真正在乎的服務上,比如醫保,那我就是在向政府買一份保險,這和向保險公司買保險有什麼區別?

馬利斯的回答是,差別只有一個,但那個差別是決定性的。

他先用自己的書舉例。《自我與傲慢》,他 2006 年的傳記,現在 eBay 上賣到 500 美元,亞馬遜上有標 3000 的,還有標到天價的,他說都無所謂。賣家想標多少標多少,一百萬美元也行。真正決定價格的買家,賣家標多少都沒意義。沒有人掏錢,那個價格就作廢,它不構成對價值的任何指示。

稅走的是另一套賬。他可以決定 Lex 交 40%,Joe 交 45%,Lex 和 Joe 沒有任何位置可以說這個價太高。工薪族更徹底,這筆錢在發到手裡之前就被扣掉了,他們連“我同意,這是我的支票”這個動作都沒有機會做。

那政府的服務為什麼不能被市場替代?他的立場是:政府提供的任何一項服務,市場上都能提供得更好、更有效率、選擇更多。他自己也說這只是一種假設,但他認為成立的可能性極高。

Lex 在這裡反問:那拿掉政府,亞馬遜、谷歌長到政府那麼大怎麼辦?

馬利斯的回答是,趨勢其實是反的。唱片業,我們小時候只有四五家,它們決定你能在 Billboard 前一百里聽到什麼。現在任何人都能直接面向市場。電視臺,從 CBS、NBC、ABC 到 Fox,到有線一百個臺,到衛星,到 YouTube,無限的臺。技術在進步,財富在增加,選擇在變多,不是在變少。

反面的例子更刺眼。過去一年半的封鎖,Carol Roth 寫過一本《對小企業的戰爭》,書裡指出歷史上第一次出現如此規模的財富轉移,從中型和小型企業流向 Target 和亞馬遜這類巨頭,後者賺走了天文數字。街角的洗衣店、襪子鋪,在他看來才是美國成就的頂點,恰恰是它們沒撐住。

為什麼會這樣?因為傑夫·貝索斯能打通 Nancy Pelosi 和 Mitch McConnell 的電話,在 Etsy 上賣襪子的那個人打不通。政府介入市場的時候,永遠站在能打通電話的那一邊。

他還給了個更狠的類比:假設 UPS 擁有從 FedEx 和 DHL 抽走 20% 營收的權力,什麼都不用做,這筆錢直接進它口袋。你想想這個行業會變成什麼樣,再想想如果你的播客自動拿到其他所有人 20% 的播放量,你還有動力把節目做好嗎?

米塞斯的漫畫書:價格是個訊號

這一段邏輯鏈很漂亮,值得完整複述。

馬利斯引用路德維希·馮·米塞斯(Ludwig von Mises)的計算問題。假設你在看漫畫書,Detective Comics 第 26 期賣 1000 美元,第 28 期賣 1000 美元,第 27 期賣 50000 美元。你完全不懂漫畫,可價格已經在告訴你:第 27 期要麼極度稀缺,要麼極度搶手。事實上那是蝙蝠俠第一次登場,但你不需要知道這件事,才能做出判斷。

價格是一個訊號。它告訴你資源該往哪流。

而一旦價格由政府這個壟斷者來定,訊號就斷了。你不知道一整個國家、整個世界無數個體分散做出的決策,不知道供需的真實形狀,不知道該往哪投。馬利斯還補了一層更直觀的演算法:播客行業五年前幾乎不存在,現在這些人賺得不少,說明這裡的資本回報率可能是 10%,某個製造業只有 2%。資本會往 10% 的地方流,流過去之後回報被拉低,這就是市場自我調節的方式,不需要誰下令。

Lex 在這裡提出了他最核心的一個信念:他覺得政府可以像公司一樣被改進,越來越高效,把更多事情外包給企業去幹。馬利斯的回應繞回了同一個點:公司拿不到的資料,政府更加拿不到,因為它沒有對手給它定價。

至於“讓政府變得更高效”這條路,他的態度很明確,政府從來不會主動後退。美國郵政還在跟 FedEx 和 UPS 搶生意,而 FedEx 和 UPS 交著稅,等於自己出錢養著一個跟自己做同一門生意的對手。

我不投票,理由和我為什麼不領聖餐一樣

他寫過一篇文章,標題大意是《為什麼我今年不投票,以後任何一年也不投》。核心段落值得原樣讀一遍:

我不投票的理由,和我為什麼不領聖餐是一樣的。不管教皇多麼值得尊敬,他都不是我靈魂的掌管者;同樣,任何一位總統也不是我人生的領導者。(邁克爾·馬利斯)

Lex 提出了那個最自然的反駁:投票不就是我們目前開發出來的、僱一個人代表你處理公共事務的最佳方式嗎?

馬利斯說,不能這麼看。如果我僱了一個律師,他搞砸了,我可以解僱他。投票走的是另一套邏輯,我投的那個人不一定當選,當選的是我鄰居想要的那個人。“代表”這個詞的意思是,我要你替我說話。投票的實際含義是,我有點想要你,但我只能拿到我能拿到的,而且無論我投不投,我拿到的都是那個。

那公投呢?他在這裡做了一個區分,我覺得這是整期節目裡最有操作性的一條。如果是在一個具體議題上投票,比如英國是否留在歐盟,那要合理得多。因為那是一個是非題,是一個想法,不是一個人。

而當你投票選 Joe Biden 的時候,你實際上是在說:這個人在墮胎、稅收、環境、移民、戰爭所有這些議題上都代表我。除非你完全沒有自己的判斷,否則這一個人在所有議題上都代表你的機率,和他投完票真能兌現承諾、並且有權力兌現承諾的機率,都低到可以忽略。

所以他給出的替代方案是:可以有人去競選、去辯論、去為某個稅率方案戰鬥,但最終的票,投給議題,不投給人。

戰爭是國家最赤裸的樣子

Lex 問:那軍事衝突算不算國家最大的負面?

馬利斯說,當然,戰爭是國家最壞的樣子。

他真正憤怒的是一處反差。我們從小在學校被教育,戰爭是最後的手段,他也認同這句話。可你看主流媒體,戰爭永遠是第一反應。他們會播陣亡士兵的靈柩回國,這已經是他認為不可接受的代價了,但他們連假裝關心一下那些被我們轟炸的國家裡的人都不裝。那種語氣就像在說:那你說怎麼辦,不洗劫那些國家嗎?

接著是那段讓整期節目情緒掉下去的歷史。1941 年 6 月 22 日凌晨四點,基輔被炸。Lex 說他一直無法處理的一件事是:對美國來說,越南打輸了只是戰略上的挫敗,越南人不會打到美國本土來,美國人的身體是安全的。可對當時的蘇聯猶太人來說,俄羅斯軍隊如果頂不住,全家百分之百會被殺,而且不是一顆子彈了事那麼簡單。

馬利斯說,他為數不多的關於飢餓的知識,都來自祖母的講述。餓到那個程度,腦子裡只剩下食物,因為大腦不讓你想別的。而在 1990 年代的朝鮮,這件事真的發生過,他採訪過的一位脫北者,親眼看著父親餓死。

Lex 在這裡哭了。馬利斯後來說了一句:你是第一個讓我在播客裡哭的人,一個機器人把我弄哭了,這到底怎麼回事。

一個連地址都看不懂的人,管著一個國家

節目後段有一段關於平庸之惡的討論,用的是齊奧塞斯庫(Ceaușescu)的例子。

馬利斯說,斯大林是個狠角色,他搶過銀行,年輕時的照片是個壯漢。列寧明擺著是知識分子。托洛茨基也是。這些人有巨大的自我、巨大的意志力、巨大的氣場。但你看齊奧塞斯庫的照片,你會有一個非常具體的反應:這個人,如果他在郵局工作,你拿著身份證去取包裹,身份證上的地址寫的是 Street,系統裡寫的是 Avenue,他會一臉茫然,搞不清楚出了什麼事。

他說你在機場看到某些成年人,會有一個直覺:這個人出生的時候就不太對,他怎麼能一個人出門。齊奧塞斯庫給人的就是這種感覺。他身上看不到邪惡,看到的是平庸,是個簡單人。

然後這樣一個人成了國家最高領袖,全國上下被教育要把他當作史上最偉大的天才之一。他強迫國民生育,因為他想讓這個國家的人更高。他造了歐洲最大的建築“人民宮”,只為他自己,而城市其他地方沒有電。

這種人放在別的社會里,會做一份普通工作,做得不怎麼樣,但也不會害人。現在他造成了大規模的死亡、秘密警察、監禁。

那種平庸的、軟弱的人,突然手裡有了一點權力,那種報復心,我這輩子第一次要感覺強大,代價由你來付。(邁克爾·馬利斯)

他講了一檔叫《驚悚戰術》的老節目,本質是整蠱真人秀。有一期,被整的人被僱來當保安,任務是通宵看守一座工廠。深夜,一群衣衫破爛的人從裡面衝出來,說他們被關在這裡,被強迫勞動,被毆打。隱藏攝像頭拍下保安的反應。其中一位把他們全部推回樓裡,說,我來這兒是幹活的,回去。

馬利斯說,你看著這段,會發現“這裡有問題”這個念頭從來沒有進入過他的腦子。他被給了命令,他執行命令。這個人看起來和你我一樣,但少了某樣根本的東西。

Lex 在這裡提出了他真正不同意的一點:他覺得幾乎所有人都有那份能力,只是沒被喚醒。馬利斯直接說,我不同意,我認為相當一部分人沒有。

Lex 還舉了個例子來論證:我從來沒試過 LSD 或 DMT,那也是沒得到機會。馬利斯的反駁很利落:這話說不通,你兩分鐘前剛說,每個人每天都有機會做對的事。

兩個人都沒有說服對方。最後落在一個共同的問題上:怎麼造出一個社會,讓越來越多人成為自由行動、自由思考的人。

酸黃瓜丟進頭髮裡,那個人記了二十年

節目裡有一段特別不像播客、特別像私人對話的部分。

馬利斯講了一檔九零年代的

節目。一位女性說,她高中時被一個橄欖球員天天找麻煩,有一天他把酸黃瓜扔進她的頭髮裡,她的頭髮全是酸黃瓜味,周圍的人都在笑。這件事影響了她二十年。節目組把那個男生請到現場,他現在是個普通的爸爸,完全不記得她。她哭著說酸黃瓜。他臉上的表情,馬利斯說他從沒見過一個人更想死的表情。那是百分之百知道自己做錯了,而且知道自己什麼都做不了的表情。

馬利斯說他儘量不做錯事,理由跟天生善良沒什麼關係。他不認為自己是好人,也不認為任何人是天生好人。理由是他會把這件事記很久。對一個好的人做了錯事,那種感覺很糟,因為他清楚自己成了哪種人。

他講了自己的一次失誤。朋友 Bittstein 是比特幣圈的人,馬利斯的傳記當時還不好找,Bittstein 告訴他這本書在種子站上能下載,還補了一句“我買了,我只是告訴你這個資訊你可能用得上”。馬利斯當場衝了他一句。很多年後他專門去道歉,對方早就不記得了。他在這期節目裡又把這件事拿出來說了一次,相當於當眾再道一次歉。

一句關於泡泡糖的留言

他有時候在網上發一句關於泡泡糖的無關痛癢的話,會收到一大段辱罵。那種情況下,他有時會認真回一句:我希望你的父母當初對你更溫柔一些。

他說這句話是真心的。一個人對著陌生人的泡泡糖評論爆發成那樣,本身就說明了問題。有人教會了他這樣回應世界。

他不指望對方對他客氣,他對那些人什麼都不是。但他希望對方能停一秒,問自己一句:這是不是我想讓它成為的常態,還是一把有時候該拔、有時候不該拔的刀。

Lex 在這件事上給了另一層視角。他說他遇到這類人,只往好處想,不去做童年歸因。他覺得幾乎每個人都經歷過某個階段,就是享受貶低別人。他自己也會,但前提是互相的,你說我一句,我說你一句。馬利斯把界線劃在“是不是主動攻擊”上:如果你開始往人身攻擊上走,我反擊時不會客氣。他說這在社交媒體上非常常見,但並不意味著它正常。

他還講了一個更細的觀察。有些人被惡意對待不是因為他們做錯了什麼,是因為他們身上還留著某種東西,某種願意相信好的東西。那東西在很多人眼裡顯得幼稚,顯得好欺負。他的判斷是,那種東西比看起來的要硬得多,因為它需要一個人明明知道世界有多糟,還是選擇不把這份糟傳下去。

把每個藉口提前拆掉

最後一個話題輕了很多。馬利斯要搬去奧斯汀。他說這是他人生裡最難也最容易的決定。

難,是因為他從兩歲起就住在紐約,除了上大學沒離開過。他熟悉那座城市的每一個角落,那座城市塑造了他對“城市可以是什麼”的全部想象。而且他的朋友圈,他稱之為 selected family 的那批人,一個一個走光了,紐約只剩幾個。

容易,是因為朋友們把每一個藉口都提前拆掉了。他說他有很多書,朋友 Matt 說,我去你家,你的每一本書我親手打包,這個藉口沒了。他說他不會開車,朋友說,我們一起學,這個藉口也沒了。他說不知道怎麼找房子,朋友說,我們跟中介去,拍照給你,你信我們的判斷。昨天 Matt 又出了個主意:先過來租個帶傢俱的公寓住幾個月,不用背買房壓力。

他順便吐槽了紐約人的一種侷限:他們認為紐約就是世界的全部,對別處幾乎一無所知。他原以為奧斯汀的房價會是紐約的八成,結果發現七十萬美元能在那裡買到一棟在紐約要三百五十萬的房子,還帶院子,還能養狗,還能合法持槍。

Lex 順著這個話題講了他自己為什麼不買房。他說買房當然有正面解釋,你把它變成一個家,你對它有了深的連線。反面解釋是,你被卡在那兒了。你可能待得比你應該待的時間長得多,而錯過本來可以抓住的更好機會。他想保留的是那種擁抱最瘋狂、最野心、最漂亮機會的自由。

他還講了馬利斯作為客人的一種本事:把很嚴肅、很學究的人變得有點傻氣,同時讓對方感到安全。馬利斯自己也談過這個原則:當來賓去別人的節目,他的任務是讓主持人好看,讓主持人覺得這不是在工作。他舉了 Elizabeth Spires 的例子,那位朋友的立場跟他的觀眾完全相反,他照樣讓對方在節目裡待得舒服,因為人家沒必要來,來了就不該承擔後果。

關於 Alex Jones,他講了另一層。他上 Alex 的節目時扮演的是那個冷靜的聲音,把對方情緒裡的東西翻譯成可討論的內容。等 Alex 上他的節目,他反過來給了對方一個空間,把一堆陰謀論一條條擺出來,哪條有根據,哪條沒有。他的說法是:吃一顆紅丸,別把整瓶都吞下去。要是你認為媒體說的一切都是假的,那連天氣預報也算在內,這個立場自己就站不住。

他還拆了一層語言問題。你問普通人,掌權的人會不會經常聚在一起操縱規則來保住權力,九成以上的人會說是。你再問他信不信陰謀論,他會說那是瘋子才信。這兩句話指的東西幾乎一樣。一個詞同時罩著“ Tuskegee 實驗”和“9·11 是投影”,前者有檔案,後者沒有,兩者被塞進同一個抽屜,抽屜上貼個標籤,從此不用再解釋。他說這對掌權的人極其方便,只要說一句“你還想當那種瘋子嗎”,事情就結案了。

黑丸會把人耗幹,白丸需要證據

Lex 問了一個更重的問題:天天琢磨這些東西,會不會把一個人的心智毀掉,讓人徹底犬儒?

馬利斯說會。如果你相信有一小撮人徹底掌控著一切,而沒人知道他們是誰,那你得到的是徹底的無力感。他的解藥很樸素:那些站在明面上的掌權者,沒有你想象的那麼聰明。社交媒體已經把這件事演示得很充分了,參議員和哈佛教授發推的樣子,很難讓人肅然起敬。

他在這裡提到一個讓他願意相信事情在變好的證據:一個一年前試圖自殺的年輕人給他發訊息,說自己出生在一個冰毒窩裡,本來應該在垃圾堆裡爛掉,現在想去講脫口秀試試。哪怕這個人最後沒成,去洗盤子,那也比原計劃好得多。

馬利斯說,這就是白丸和黑丸的區別。黑丸是一套世界觀,白丸是一個需要證據支撐的判斷。他有證據。

比那更早的一句:對你自己好一點

節目收尾,Lex 說了一句我覺得可以做整篇落點的話:這是第 200 期,本來可以請兩個大名字,但他想了想,為什麼要跟一個有名的人聊,而不是跟他愛的一個人聊。

馬利斯的回應是關於“被尊重”這件事的。別人說喜歡你、尊重你,是一回事;別人做出來給你看,是另一回事。他拿兩個朋友在市政廳結婚、請他去做見證人舉例。他說如果一個人對你好、給了你尊重,你要謝謝他,買塊巧克力、買瓶汽水,做點什麼,讓對方知道你沒把這當成理所當然。

他還講了自己被人在街上認出來這件事。到目前為止,除了一次例外,所有主動走過來的人都很體面。他說這會是他接下來幾年需要適應的東西,走在健身房被人發推問“剛才是不是你”,算不上惡意,就是有點怪。

他對鏡頭說了一句:對自己好一點,因為你們中很多人值得。

Lex 最後引了傑克·凱魯亞克(Jack Kerouac)的一段話,大意是:對我來說,只有那些瘋狂的人值得交往,他們瘋狂地想活、瘋狂地想說話、瘋狂地想被拯救,同時渴望一切,從不打哈欠,從不說陳詞濫調,他們像羅馬蠟燭一樣燃燒、燃燒,在夜空中炸開成蜘蛛的形狀,中間那一點藍色的核心“啪”地一聲,所有人抬頭,發出“啊”的一聲。

這大概是 Lex 想說的關於馬利斯的全部。而馬利斯散在三個小時裡最紮實的一塊,是那張支在山腳的空白畫布:有人走過去只覺得困惑,有人走過去看見的是無限的選擇。同一張畫布,兩種人生。

這期節目裡能帶走的東西

  • 想在某個領域發聲,先從自己陣營內部的問題說起。從內部批評自己人,成本高、掌聲少,可那才是真正能改變事情的位置。
  • 練一種沒有觀眾的勇氣。有人需要一句話的時候說那句話,不用發朋友圈,不用事後講給別人聽。它照樣算數。
  • 挑戰場。不是每一次冒犯都值得反擊,但每一次沉默都該是你算過之後的決定,而不是因為懶得算。
  • 把“我希望你的父母當初對你更溫柔一些”放進工具箱。遇到無端的惡意,先假設對面有一段你不知道的歷史。這個假設不一定對,它能讓你少浪費一個小時。
  • 這周找一個人,為他做一件成本二十五美元以內、他會記很久的小事。生日、一頓飯、一條認真的回覆,都算。馬利斯說這事的成本低到讓人不安,而多數人連想都想不到。
  • 想清楚你手上的每一筆固定支出,是價格還是命令。價格可以談、可以走、可以換;命令不行。這個判斷會改變你對很多事情的感受。
  • 如果要投票,優先投議題,放棄那種指望一個人在所有事情上替你做主的期待。這個原則在小範圍的社群治理、公司決策裡同樣適用。
  • 下次一頓飯搞砸了、一次出行崩了、一個計劃廢了,先停三秒,問自己:這件事以後會不會變成一個我會講很多年的段子。如果會,現在就可以開始享受它。
  • 如果有人為你做過什麼好事,告訴他你記得。馬利斯把這件事列為整期節目的落點,理由很樸素:人需要知道自己的善意被接收到了,否則他會慢慢停止釋放善意。
  • 在你說出“這個世界就是這樣”之前,先找一個反例。馬利斯認為犬儒是一種可以被反駁的立場,前提是你願意去找那個反例。找過一次之後,這句話就不太好意思再說出口了。
文稿來自公開 Kaggle 資料集(rajneesh231/lex-fridman-podcast-transcript),為早期自動轉錄存檔,可能存在識別錯誤。
The following is a conversation between me and Michael Malus. Michael is an author, anarchist, and simpleton, and I'm proud to call him my friend. He makes me smile, he makes me think, and he makes me wonder why I sound so sleepy all the time. And now, enjoy this conversation with Michael Malus in the Tupagalovi language that I'm increasingly certain I'll never quite able to get the hang of. Hello, comrade. So Animal Farm by George Orwell is one of my favorite books. It's an allegory about, at least I think, about the Soviet Union and the Russian Revolution of 1917. So for people who haven't read it, it's animals overthrow the humans and then slowly become as bad or worse than the humans. So comrade, if we lived on this farm, in the book Animal Farm, which animal would you most rather be? Would it be the pigs, the horses, the donkey Benjamin, the raven Moses, the humans, Mr. and Mrs. Jones, the dogs, or the sheep? I'm gonna go with the Milton answer, which is it's better to rule in hell than serve in heaven, right? It's better to rule in hell than serve in heaven. Yeah, so I would have to go with the pigs. So I guess I'd be a cop. At the very top. So the leader, the main pig, Napoleon versus like the others. I would say it's not, it's sure it's an allegory about the Russian Revolution, but I think Orwell's point was this is broader towards most totalitarian dictatorships. I mean, it could very easily be read as an indictment of Mussolini or Hitler, or many of these others. I'm a huge George Orwell fan. One of the things that I think people on the right need to appreciate is the courage of many of these undisputably left wing voices who were the strongest ones to take on totalitarian communism. And the three I could think of top of my head who are all in my top 10 heroes of all time are Emma Goldman, Albert Camus, and Orwell being the third. Something that leftists like to throw in the face of people on the right who constantly invoke Orwell is that Orwell said, and I don't have the exact quote off the top of my head, but something to the effect of every word I have written should be taken as a defense of democratic socialism against totalitarianism. So people like Truman was obviously very hardcore, in many ways anti communist. We like to parse things out, you're going to laugh, into binary fashions that left good, right bad, or right good, left bad. But historically speaking, it would just not fall away into these camps as easily as people would like. And I think it is important for those of us, it takes a lot more courage to fight the right from the right or to fight the left from the left, because in a sense, a lot of your countrymen or your fellow travelers are going to regard you as a traitor to the cause. So every chance I get, I will sing the praises of these three figures, among others, who not all even if they hadn't done what they had done, just lived just amazing lives that all of us can learn from and admire and regard as somewhat a role model. So what was the nature of their opposition to totalitarianism? Is it basically freedom, the value of freedom? Let's go through the three of them. So Emma Goldman, she was an early anarchist figure, you know, we'll talk about her later, I'm sure she got deported from the United States with her partner in crime, Alexander Birkman, literal crime, he tried to assassinate Frick, who was Andrew Carnegie's main man in the Pittsburgh steel mill strike. She got deported to the Soviet Union. And they're like, oh, you want socialism? Because at the time, the anarchists were regarded as socialist, you know, go choke on it. And she's there. And she was watching in great horror what was going on. And she actually went to Lenin's office and she goes, this isn't what we're about. The revolution is about the individual and free speech and everyone working together to further society. And he told her that, you know, you know, free speech is a bourgeois contrivance. And regardless, you can't have these circumstances in the midst of a revolution. And when she left the Soviet Union, and you know, she went to Britain. And at the time, before the 1917, there was a lot of discussion among socialist circles about what would the revolution look like, right? Would there be the Bakunin anarchist model? Would there be the Marxist model? Obviously, the Bolsheviks ended up winning. But even then, it wasn't obvious because there was the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. And what people, you know, you and I know what those words mean. But Bolsheviks were kind of funny because Bolsheviks means bigger and Mensheviks means smaller. The Mensheviks had the numbers. It was sarcastic that they were called Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks were called Bolsheviks. And Lenin, you know, destroyed all his foes in a very merciless way, obviously. Beforehand, you know, there was the idea like, okay, with all these cockamamie ideas, we have to work together. You know, we don't know what's going to look like for the cause. Then as soon as he sees power, he's like, yeah, yeah, we're not doing that kind of pluralism anymore. This is going to be the right approach. So she left the Soviet Union, as did Berkman. She wrote a book that they titled, My Disillusion with Russia. And I remember this one anecdote, which I'm going to discuss in the forthcoming book, where she goes to Britain and the British were very red at the time, they really had something called the Fabian Society, which was the predecessor to the British Labour Party, which were like, all right, we're going to get rid of liberalism and have a socialist kind of nation. And she gave talks, and there was this one time where she gave a talk and she started, and there was a standing ovation, by the time she was done, you could hear a pin drop, because she dared to look at these people in the face, something they'd been fighting for all their lives and saying, you know, we've been to the future and it works. And she's like, guys, this is worse than the czar. You know, people are under house arrest, you're not allowed to have, you know, newspapers are being shut down if they have heretical views, so on and so forth. And you know, she was just even more of a pariah than she had been previously. So she is, you know, deserves huge accolades in that regard. I brought her up and we were talking about with our conversation with Yaron Orwell, I think you don't need me to explain what he has done and continues to do to use fiction to demonstrate the horrors of a totalitarian state. And Camus, who might be my all time great lighthouse, so to speak, in terms of being a man of conscience, you know, he joined the Communist Party and for a lot of people in the States, you hear, oh, you joined the Communist Party, so I need to hear, it's all you need to, he was a communist, all you need to know. He joined the Communist Party because they were the main ones fighting the fascists in France and other locations. And he took Nazism, as did many others, of course, very, very, very seriously. He wasn't some committed communist, but this was just his mechanism to take on, you know, be part of the underground in Vichy France, and so on and so forth. So he had the quote, which is ascribed to him, which is kind of a misquote, Howard Zinn is the one who actually said it, that it is a job of thinking people not to be on the side of the executioners. And he very much felt, if you read his speech when he won the Nobel Prize, I forget, in the 50s, where he goes, it's basically the job of writers to keep civilization from destroying himself. I don't think I'm ever going to be a man on the level of Camus and what he's accomplished, but I think that vision of it is the job of writers to be the conscience and to point out, you know, this is the leftism at its best when, you know, giving voice to the voiceless, when you have the machine of the state crushing and marginalizing people, and they might not be educated, literate, or have any power at all. He's the guy who's like, you are ruining humans, these humans matter, and I'm not going to let you look the other way and act like you don't know what you're doing. So in this time, whether we look at the time of fascism, or we look at the fictional Animal Farm, what's the heroic action then? So Camus joined the Communist Party, there's a bunch of different heroic actions, some more heroic than others, not just for the, you know, hero is the wrong word, in terms of like effectiveness, what's the effective action, I guess is what I want to ask. As a writer, as a thinker, as somebody with a mind, what's the heroic action? That's a tricky question, because a lot of times in the West, heroism is regardless intertwined with martyrdom, right? So it's kind of this idea of like, you have to speak to, you know, Camus always talked about justice, let justice be done though the heavens fall. This is a common kind of motto among people with conscience, and that you have to do the right thing, even the consequences might not be what you like. And I think that is a good loose definition of heroism. So if you meet, I'll give you one example of heroism. This was on Twitter, and I really feel bad that I don't remember the guy's name. This was the line to Auschwitz, I believe it was, and you know, there's the Nazi guards keeping everyone along. And if you were certain, I think if you were under 12, they killed you or something, there was some age limit where some kids were killed or some were not, there was some circumstances. And he asked the mom how old this kid was, and she's like, he's 14, and she's like, no, he's 12. And she's like, no, he's 14. She goes, he's 12. And she realized what this Nazi was telling her even in that circumstance, and it ended up saving the kid's life. So I think heroism in this context is defiance and standing true to values of liberalism, humanism and venerating the sanctity of human life. I think that, and I think it's also important to pick your battles. I don't think if, you know, he got, that Nazi over there got in a bullhorn and said, hey, this is the rules, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah, that's not going to help anyone do anything. So I do think, you know, people a lot of times attack me for my anarchist views, like, oh, you know, would you call the police? Would you use the roads? Would you pay your income taxes? You know, I got in an argument with Tim Pool, because there was that couple, I think it was at Missouri or Illinois when they had their guns and they were being arrested and they basically took a plea deal and he said, you should have fought. I go, it's a lot easier to say you should fight, but we don't know what circumstance someone is under. And what these totalitarian regimes did very, very well, as you know, is if you were a target and they can't get through to you, that's fine, you have a family. So you can sit there, Lex, and gird your jaw and you can stand up to all the torture, cool, what are we going to do about your wife? What about your mom? One thing Stalin did, he made it a law that kids up to 14 and up could get the death penalty for certain crimes. So after that, the rule was from the NKVD, if you were interrogating someone, they would have death warrants for the kid's child on the desk visible. So I'm interrogating you asking you to commit to, I'm sorry, to admit to some crime that you're not committed. And those piece of paper, it's Svitlana, she's got a death warrant. You're going to admit to any crime you want. So this is something Americans, this is even the case right now in North Korea, which I know you had Yonmi Park on, it's something I talk about a lot. Let's talk about it instead of the hypothetical, but this is happening right now on earth. You can look at the map on Google. The great leader, Kim Il Sung, the founder of North Korea said, class enemies must be exterminated three generations. So North, when people talk about individualism versus collectivism, Rick Santorum from Ascender says the family is the basic unit of society, unit. North Korea takes that seriously. The family is punished as a unit. So if someone does something wrong, three generations have to pay the price and you often don't know who it is that got you all in trouble. There's not a trial. This to Western minds is something almost incomprehensible. It's a lot easier to be brave when it's just your skin. It's something when it's your child, your loved ones, every man becomes a coward. But also what bravery is there for me to write an essay for The Guardian to say, I don't vote. There's no consequences to me. There's no possibility of consequences to me. This is the wonderful thing about living in a free country. It would take a lot of courage to be in the Soviet Union and say, I'm not going to vote. And what would that courage accomplish? Very little. Heroism in the sense of kind of the suicidal stuff and taking a stance with no consequences is a bit overrated. There is some aspect, like the way I think about heroism is something like you said about the Nazi soldier, which is quietly privately in your own life, live the virtues that you want the rest of the world to live by. Yes. So like without writing about it is not as heroic as living it quietly. I'll give you a great example of this. I sometimes give talks on networking and I tell the kids, if you know someone's in town and it's their birthday with nothing to do, take them out. And I say, I do this for selfish reasons and everyone laughs and I go, think about it this way. The guy who takes people out for their birthday is awesome. That could be you. Like you have that capacity to be that person and you're making that day feel special. They're going to remember for a long time. What's the cost? 30 bucks, 25 bucks. So it's very disturbing to me how often people have opportunities to slightly move the needle and make things a bit better at almost no cost. And they just literally don't think in those terms. And one of the things Camus talked about, he's often described as an existentialist, which he did not like that term. He regarded himself as an absurdist, is the idea that we're basically blank canvases. And this isn't something that is dangerous. This is an enormous opportunity. And you have the ability to become the kind of man or woman that you admire and want to be. You don't have to be, I don't know, George Washington or one of these great heroes of all time. But everyone out there has the capacity to be, excuse me, to be a hero to their kids or to be a hero to maybe some, there's nursing homes and there's old people who are lonely. I think that you take in a dog that's on its last legs. These are little things, Terry Shepherd does that a lot, I regarded him as a hero. These are not Terry Shepherd, I'm blanking his name. These are things that people do that aren't heroic in the sense of Superman, but that I find admirable extremely and I think are very underrated because these people aren't championed. Is this some kind of weird, passive, aggressive and direct way for you to tell me that I should take you off for your birthday on Monday? Is that why you gave that whole speech? That wasn't it at all. That was a joke, Michael. No, it was a failed joke. Nevertheless. There was no punchline. Without failure, we would not have triumph. Can we stick on the Camus absurdism versus existentialism? Sure. What do you think is the difference? In your ideas about anarchism too, it seems like those are somehow intricately connected because existentialism is connected to freedom and freedom is connected to anarchism. Sure. But I mean, Sartre was a defender of the Soviet Union. He said explicitly about things like gulags, like even if it's true, we shouldn't talk about it. What people don't appreciate is how human beings can have contradictory ideas in their minds at the same time. One would think, okay, someone's a Democrat, they think ABC, therefore they think DEF. People would have all sorts of contradictions and it's not at all clear and they'll have a clean conscience because the human mind is very sophisticated and is capable of doing this. So Sartre, you would think he's this radical individualist, this sense of ultimate freedom, but he's defending the Soviet Union. Camus, on the other hand, would probably be, was very much like a social Democrat. He didn't really talk about what politics should be so much as it shouldn't be. His essay, Reflections on the Guillotine, is one of the great masterpieces of all time, an attack on the death penalty, not in terms of no one's evil or it's wrong to kill murderers, but in terms of what does it do for a society? If you have someone who takes a person and locks them in a room and says, in two years, I'm going to murder you and you lock them for that. This is not someone we regard as moral, we regard this as someone who's a complete monster, but that's what the state does with the death penalty. And he challenges us to think, is this the kind of people we want to be? And again, he's saying, I'm not saying killing a murderer is wrong. I'm not saying evil is wrong. His entire career was dedicated to fighting the concept of evil. But are we the kind of people who want to be doing these things that in any other context we regard as torture or depraved? So I'm much more of a Camus person than a Sartre person. So he was probably against war in that same way. So I don't, I have to admit, I don't know much about the political side of Camus. Well, and I don't think his political side is that interesting or relevant. What I find, sorry to interrupt you, what I find fascinating about Camus and what I think about on a daily basis from him is his insistence that you have to live a life based on conscience, that you have to be accountable to yourself when you put your head on the pelt at the end of the day and ask yourself, did I live a righteous life with integrity true to my values? Did I not needlessly cause harm to innocent people? That kind of mindset, did I, if someone is weak, am I using that as an opportunity to exploit them or to harm them? Or do I feel a bit of sympathy or empathy for this person because maybe they didn't have circumstances that were as beneficial as other people had. Well, how does that fit absurdism where everything is absurd, nothing has meaning, it really borders on nihilism. So he regards, his philosophy explicitly said is a response to nihilism and a attack on nihilism. He regards cynicism as the worst value people can have. And I agree with him 100%. A lot of times people call me cynical online and I push back very, very hard because to be a, you know, I had this quote in the new write where I said, I'd rather be naive than a cynic because a cynic is a hopeless man who projects his hopelessness to the world at large. Camus, this is the metaphor I use and I find it very inspirational. I thought it was in his work, but I guess I thought if it described it to him. There's two types of people, you imagine you go to a mountainside and you see a blank canvas on an easel standing in front of this mountainside. One people be like, why is this blank canvas here, you know, what was this, what's going on here? And just be confused. Whereas the other type of person will be like, there's a blank canvas here in this beautiful countryside, what a great opportunity. I can paint this river, I could paint that bird, I could paint my friends or myself in the background, infinite choices. And this is a gift that I have been given. And I think that also ties very heavily into what I was, I went to yeshiva as a kid, which is Jewish school. What we were taught incessantly how to look at life is this beautiful gift that God has given you and that God wants you to be happy. He wants you to live to the fullest in a moral way. I do something similar sometimes, which is I'll have some innocuous comment about like bubblegum. I mean, just it's not to be in political. And a lot of times people will respond to this paragraph of just invective about like blah, blah, blah, and then this, and you say this, and you're an ass, and just really trying to get at me. And in those situations, there are very specific circumstances, I will respond and I mean it every single time. I will say, I wish your parents had been kinder to you or your mom or your dad. Because even if I'm some idiot on Twitter, who's just talking about bubblegum, and this is your, I'm not talking about politics where I can see how people get emotional, COVID, my grandma died, now you're talking about her. And I realize this isn't about me. Like I'm someone you've never met making some inane point about nothing, and you're getting agitated about this. It's clearly something else that's going on here. And someone taught you, someone had to teach you that this is how to respond in this kind of very kind of harsh way. And a lot of times they won't say anything or get deleted. And I hope every single time, there's no asterisk here, that they take a second, and they realize that the way that they were talked to growing up was not acceptable, that they don't have to carry this forward. And that they don't have to be kind to me, I'm nobody to them. But take a second and ask if this is the kind of mindset you want to be your norm, as opposed to a weapon you pull out of your pocket sometimes where it's warranted or even when it's not warranted. I think there's a lot of those people out there, and we forget how hard it is for a lot of people to grow up, how they're trained from their parents or the single parent, that the only way they're going to get attention is by acting out, that when they do good things, it doesn't get comment. But if they do bad things, they get a smack upside their head. That I think is far more common than we realize. And it's not hitting the kid that's going to last, the pain is going to give five seconds. But when you're training this child, helpless child, is something that's really, really bad. I don't know if it always can be mapped to that. I always wonder about them, what their motivations are. And I just kind of, whenever I think about them, I think only positively. And I don't even think about the childhood thing. I think, I don't know. I kind of imagine that all of us can go through that stage where we enjoy the derision of others. We go through stages of being... I enjoy the derision of others, but it has to be, you know, Billy Eide had that quote, like, I like it when people are mean to me, I stop pretending to be nice. But like, what's the worst thing someone can say about you? You're not, what harm are you doing? Maybe your podcast is garbage and the people are, the conversations suck and the people are losers. Okay. No, the main thing I would say is I'm way more popular than I deserve to be. What does deserve mean? The reality is there's people out there that just enjoy hating on others and I don't fault them for it. Like, I don't even think of them as haters. I think of them as just people that in this particular part of their life are enjoying this activity of deriding others on the internet. I'm not sure what to do with that. I just don't want to, I don't want to allow myself to think badly of them, I guess is the thing. I'm the one saying don't think badly of them. I'm saying that I don't think they're inherently bad people. I think that their thinking is screwed and that I'm steel mounting them. I'm saying, let's assume everything you're saying about Lex is true. This is an opportunity for you to outdo Lex. Like it's... No, but are you saying they should stop hating because I'm saying like, maybe they shouldn't just keep... I don't believe in should, right? I'm an anarchist, but I'm saying if this is your belief about Lex, you know what it is? I made this comment in my book, The New Right, when people make fun of Andy Warhol and they're like, oh my God, he painted a soup can and now he became a millionaire. I could do this. Well, why don't you? So basically if I go up to you with a check and I say, I will give you a million dollars, you could see the check, you got to paint a soup can, what am I waiting for? So clearly there's a disconnect in their thinking between what they're perceiving and the reality. Because if it was as simple or as, maybe not simple, but as possible for them as they perceive it to be, why are they leaving comments instead of outdoing you? How great would it be for them to have your bigger audience and drive you into the ground? I don't know how that would work because it's not the NBA, but... No, but you want to point out, you do this too on Twitter. You want to point out the hypocrisy, the fraudulence of others, right? Sure, but what are you, you're not claiming anything other than this is, the following is the conversation between me and Machique, whatever his name is, right? I got the voice down, dude. I got it down. I've been walking around my house doing my Lex impression. I've been leaking motor oil everywhere. Yeah, but yeah, I don't know. I don't know. I don't know what to make of it because I think there's a more general statement to be made. Like I see Twitter this way too. When I read a tweet, I try to read it with like the best possible interpretation, meaning like what is the wisdom in this tweet, right? As opposed to what I think a large number of people, not a large number, but some fraction try to see what is the worst possible interpretation of this tweet. And they want to, they want to destroy you for that worst interpretation. Like they want to, there's people, I'm already aware of this with me and certainly with a lot of people, they're waiting for me to fail. They want me to be like, this guy talks about love all the time. They want me to be some dark, like a Bill Cosby type character. They want you to be in pain. Yeah. They want you to be in pain because they don't. Why? I'll tell you exactly why. Because this is why I'm so for being white pilled and being for hope. Because if you are black pilled, meaning if you think it's pointless, we're all done. You're just wasting your breath. If you have any counter examples to this thesis, if there's even a little bit of hope, your entire hypothesis falls through, right? So it's kind of how like you have all these stories of people who are like painting swastikas who aren't Nazis, but just to show that, oh, there's all this Nazism. So I'm going to kind of force the conclusion. So for them, when they see you thriving, you are as a mediocre person with a crappy show, but you're demonstrating that people can succeed. This bothers them. So you are. Anyone can succeed. That bothers them. Yeah. So because that, why haven't they? So now you're a counter to their worldview and that is going to cause anxiety when you have data that contradicts other data in your, in your worldview. This is the, in your mindset, this is a big issue for them. Yeah. So to anyone listening to this, they're annoyed by the look of my face. Remember that you could probably do way better than me and you should. But also what would you failing look like? Like let's suppose this podcast went from whatever views you had to 100 views an episode. That's still success. You are talking to people you like, having conversations about important issues. You're having a good time. They're having a good time. How is that a failure? If I have dinner with a friend of mine, there's zero viewers and we enjoy that time. That is the height of human success. When you are sharing happiness, joy, joy over love. So what's the difference between joy and love, Michael Malus? Uh, I think joy is easier to attain. It's more common. You could share it with everyone. Give me an example of joy. Like what was the moment of joy for you recently? I could give you a great example of joy and this is part in the absurdist mindset. Okay. I love having a bad meal at a restaurant and I'll give you, you can see why. You go with your friend. It takes you 45 minutes to get seated. Okay. I'm starving. Waiter's not paying attention to you. They bring your water. It's got a hair in it. They get the food wrong. Yeah. It comes out again. It's ripe, but it's cold. At a certain point you're like, okay, I'm hungry. I'm living an anecdote. This is something that you, if you were at dinner, we could talk about this for years because how great is it that the worst thing that's happening to me is I got to wait an hour for this meal that's going to be cooked wrong, right? That to me is joy is a holding on to that idea that happiness and thriving are possible even when in the moment it's, uh, everything's going the wrong way. Doesn't every moment have the capacity to, uh, fill you with joy then? Yes. Yes. So it's both the shitty moments and the good moments. Yes. But that, see, that's the way I usually talk about love is like, I love life. Yes. And in that, because life can generate every, everything, the pain, the loss, but also just like simple or complicated bliss, all of that, I just love all of that. And that, because it fills me with a kind of, I guess, joy, but joy has a connotation that it's supposed to be somehow positive, like you're supposed to be smiling. To me, you know, man's search for meaning with Viktor Frankl, you know, just it's, you're in the Holocaust, you're in a concentration camp, just having a little bit of food that you didn't expect you will have. Or even just thinking about food. Or what about there's a kid there, you tell them a funny story and you crack them up. Yeah. Like you take away this child's pain for like five minutes. That is the height of joy. Yeah. So to me, like all of like life is like infinitely full of possibility for joy. Yes. And that's what I mean by love, because oftentimes like romantic love is what people think about when they think love. But to me, it's all like part of the same thing. And it's almost like love, romantic love, or love with a friend, friendship is like you both notice each other. It's like dogs, they look at each other and then they look at the thing they're interested in. You both notice each other and that moment of joy. You share that moment of joy together. Yeah. Like the restaurant. The restaurant. Yeah. If you're both almost without conspiring, notice the absurdity of how shitty this meal is. And like that, again, that little glimmer of realization, that's what makes life beautiful. You mentioned your grandmother in Lvov. You were thinking of returning there. The plans got a little bit delayed, but what are you hoping from that trip of going back to Russia, going back to Ukraine? What do you hope to get out of it, but what do you think you will feel? A lot of things. First of all, I'm going with my buddy, Chris Williamson. He hosts the Modern Wisdom Podcast. He is one of my closest friends. We've never met. Oh, really? We've never met. He's in Britain. He's trying to get his ass over here to Austin. He's filling out his form right now. He's too good looking. It's a crime. I call him Apollo and I'm Loki. So right away you have a buddy comedy because we're going to film it, right? You have these two guys who on paper are very dissimilar, but we're very, very close. In which way are you similar and close? I think we're both very intense people, very strong emotionally. We're both very ambitious in the sense that, not in terms of career, but we want to grab life by the short hairs kind of thing. We are just both good experiences. Did he bench more than you or like in the gym? Of course. The guy's jacked. He's just... Because he's so good looking. I think he'd be one of those guys who's mostly biceps. Oh no, no, no. If you go to his Instagram, Chris Will X is the handle. It's head to toe. It's just sculpted. Oh, wow. So he's perfect in every way. That's great. He... What flaws does he have? Because I need... He has bad taste in friends and his accent is all crazy. He pronounces it... He's an underwear muddle, so now I spell it M U D L. Just us two, British and American, and just two different dudes, it's going to be a lot of fun. Although, to be fair, as you know, I'm an underwear model now as well, so... Yeah. We're going to talk that in a second, maybe, but yeah, sheathunderwear.com. Yeah, this episode is brought to you by Sheath Underwear. Are we going to get some pictures eventually? I think we might. Yeah. Yes, I have them on my phone. We'll have them. We could share them right... You could slice it in right here. So to be able to go with someone who is a very close... I mean, we meet and talk like every day, right? So to someone who generally cares about you, who's... He's very, very grounded, right? So like a lot of times I'll have like some concern and he's really good, and if you listen to his show, at slicing through the noise and being like, hold on a second, I can't do the accent yet. Have you considered A, B, and C because, you know, whenever I had this situation, this is what I did. He was really good with that. So to have a... First of all, just like two buddies on a trip is really a lot of fun. Second of all, I know that it's going to be very intense. So for you, you left Russia much later than I did. How old were you? Thirteen. Thirteen, right. So you remember it, I'm sure, very, very well. I left when I was one and a half too. I don't remember it all. To go to the streets where, you know, my family had to go through this stuff to see the... They came to Lviv, they slaughtered all the Jews. I mean, to have that little memorial there that's there now, and to just look around and know, yesterday, basically, they came here, they rounded everyone up. And also, from the other side, you had the Stalinists coming in and starving all the people. It's just to know that so much horror and death. There's this quote I saw once about a woman who went to Auschwitz and she just made the comment like, grass grows here. Because we think, you know, that when it comes to the nature of evil, that you're going to go there, there's going to be this pits of hell or whatever. There's birds, you know, there's, you know, robins hopping around looking for the worms or whatever. They think it's perfectly nice and you stand there to understand that so much suffering happened here or there is going to be very jarring. I know that it's going to be an issue because I speak Russian and not Ukrainian. And to speak Russian to Ukrainians is like a big deal. So that's going to be a concern. I'm also worried about going to Russia because every Russian has this idea that even though they've just met you, they feel that they're in a position to tell you what you're doing wrong with your life, what you should be doing, if they're a cab driver, I have no tolerance for unsolicited advice on it based at all. That's going to be horrible. They're going to be telling me I need to speak Russian better because ты говоришь по русски как даунчик. I'm not hearing it. I'm not interested in hearing it. So that I think, and also, you know, given my upcoming book, The White Pill and covering what happened back in the day under Stalinism and later to see this was the Ljubljanka, this was the basement where they would, you know, this is something that people might not realize. There's a superb film, The Death of Stalin, which is kind of, that's what I do with North Korea, you know, puts a humorous spin on it. Then when you take a step back and you realize what they're actually saying, it's just like it's very, very disturbing how when Stalin was dying, he had a stroke, he's laying there in a pile of his own piss, he's unconscious. Right before he died, he thought the doctors were all plotting against him. So they were being tortured to confess that they were trying to murder him. They had to get the doctors out of the torture chambers to attend to him and they did it. So this kind of thing to like go there, like Red Square and see this is where it happened, to see Lenin's body, like this is the guy who Emma Goldman yelled at. It's going to be really, because I've worked so much in this space, jarring and intense and emotional. And as intense as it is for me sitting here talking to you about it, to see it and to see the faces and to see Cyrillic everywhere, you know, other than Brighton Beach in Brooklyn, it's going to, I'm sure it's going to do a huge number on me because as Western and as a Tupoi Mirikanyets as the Russians will say I am, this is still where I came from. So no matter, to see it face to face, I don't know how I'm going to react, but I don't think it's going to be like, meh. You've assembled a number of essays from anarchist thinkers in a new book called The Anarchist Handbook. You mentioned Emma Goldman. What interesting things do these thinkers agree on and what do they disagree on? The Anarchist Handbook.com is the website. It covers from the 1790s to, I think my essay is the last one from 2014, which a friend of mine who's kind of a mediocre scientist is going to be reading for the audio book. Also podcast. Podcast. I never had, but it's not a podcast anyone would have heard of. It's like Tom Woods but even worse. So what they all agreed on was the illegitimacy of government and also the malevolence of state actors and the consequences of governments. So they range in terms that most people would easily regard as either left or right wing. But it tackles the nature of government and also creates positive non state alternatives from really many different angles. The slogan I have is the black flag, which is the traditional flag of anarchism. The black flag comes in many colors. So they were really all over the map in terms of what they're for, but their disagreement is about the nature of state and the nature of power. And it's very edifying because this is an ideology that's been in many ways swept under the rug. I want to seriously grow up that I can allow people to sit down and read these essays and see for themselves just how beautiful this tapestry over the decades and centuries has been woven about people who genuinely believed in freedom as the most important and how to maximize that for society. So maybe it's useful to talk about a few contrasting thinkers in there. So one is Leo Tolstoy. Oh yeah. Who I think not many people know is an anarchist. Yes. A Christian anarchist. An anarchist. Yeah. So he came to despise government for his deceit and his violence. But to him, the Christian principles of nonviolence, I think are important. Oh yeah. And it's kind of pacifist kind of mindset of, you know, it's better to someone to punch you than to punch them back. So he's in that way, at least I've read he influenced MLK and Gandhi. What do you think about this flavor, color of the anarchist flag of nonviolence, nonviolent opposition? I will put the caveat that it bothers me when people bring up MLK because he's become so corporate and everyone just brings him up without knowing about him. One of the things that Martin Luther King did so very well was that he forced people to face the consequences of what they were putting forward. You want to be racist. You want to be for Jim Crow. You want to be for segregation. Okay. It's easy for you to do that from your living room. Now turn on your news and you see men and women in suits being attacked by dogs, being attacked by fire hoses and beaten by cops just so they could sit on the front of the bus. And now for a lot of people who were still racist, who were still had animus toward black people are watching this and it's going to be a lot harder to be like, I'm okay with this. I'm okay with human beings, even ones I regard as somehow bad or inferior to be beaten and attacked by trained dogs and they're not doing anything in response. That strikes to, I think, a very basic nature of, especially American, like, okay, whatever you're for, I'm not for people getting beaten and attacked when they're not really doing anything. I think pacifism is something that's very easy to make fun of, but people don't underestimate how powerful it is for someone to say, you can do what you want to me. I'm not going to fight you back. I just want to live peacefully and have the same rights as you. And to say, screw you, you should get beaten. That's a hard pill for a lot of people to swallow. So I think he was really, and Gandhi, of course, as well, were excellent in that regard. There's a little bit of Machiavellianism to it. They've both been beatified in regard to saints, but their strategy worked very, very well for their purposes. So I think just all of us, when you see someone in this kind of Christian, I know you're wrong, obviously, it's nothing very highly Christianity, but if he's someone who's willing to take a punch and to say, you could do whatever you want to me, I'm not going to hurt somebody else instinctively, and maybe this is kind of a hack. Most people want to side with that guy, step in between and be like, oh, okay, let's take a step back, because whatever led to this is not tenable. We need to go back to the drawing board if the consequence is people are having these as a result of my decisions and actions. So I think that aspect of anarchism is very, very, in certain contexts, healthy, and much smarter and more sophisticated than people give it credit for. And let's also point out that Tolstoy wrote War and Peace, and he wrote Anna Karenina. So this was not some naive or innocent, whatever word you want to use. He knew the nature of evil. He knew how bad things get. So he wasn't saying at all that human beings are inherently nice and kind. He was saying it's much more effective to not fight back and to force them to face that. I'll give you another example. I was on the show Trigonometry, and I was talking to the host, and one of them talked about how someone he knew had been the Gulag, or his mom was born the Gulag grandma. And after Stalin died and the Soviet Union liberalized and lots of the people in the Gulags were freed by Khrushchev and so on and so forth, I didn't know this, many of the, or some, let's say some, of the guards of the Gulags killed themselves because they had genuinely believed that everyone in these camps was there for a reason. And when they found out that these people were completely innocent, didn't even have trials, and that they were the ones forcing them to work themselves to death and starve, they couldn't deal with that guilt. So when you are a pacifist or non retaliatory and you're forcing someone who's using force, like look what you're doing, look what you've become. For some people, some people don't care, like the guy in Scare Tactics, like I mentioned earlier, where for a lot of others, they're going to be like, okay, is this who I wanted to grow up to be? They will have that little flame of conscience that you and I talked about earlier. They will be like, how did I get to the point where there's this lady who wants to ride the bus and she's lovely dressed, put together, and I have a, sending a dog on her? What kind of person am I? For some of those people, they're going to be like, okay, I can't be a part of this. I don't even understand the politics. I still am racist, but I'm not going to take part in this atrocity. Well, that was for him from the individual perspective, perhaps he calls that Christian, but listening to that voice of conscience, like whatever that is in you. So for Tolstoy, it seems like anarchism from the individual perspective is silencing the rest of the world and listening to the, for him, probably God given voice of conscience. And so that's what it means to live, embody anarchism for him. And to embody Christianity, I would think he would say. But he would see those as basic. Yes, correct. Yeah. So in terms of forms of government, the Christian government is one that's no government. Yeah, correct. What do you think about that as advice for an individual? Turn the other cheek. Do you think, I tend to believe that that's a really good way to live. I think it's very underrated. And this is me talking. I think a lot of times when someone, let's suppose you're having an argument and, but you have to pick your battles, right? Let's suppose you're having a heated argument and someone says something very cruel to you, where you have attempted to double down and hit back twice as hard. But if it's someone who at all cares about you, where they're just in the moment and you just stop and you just say, did you hear what you just said to me? For some cases, that person will take a step back and be like, just like when I snapped at Michael at Bitstein years ago, I'd be like, wow, okay, this is bad. This is bad. I'm sorry. And they kind of, it's kind of like they have to get to 10 before they control delete to use your language. Thank you. Yeah. Buffer overflow. I appreciate that. And for some, they're going to, they're going to just twist the knife. But I think this is a very useful technique. And also you can also sleep well at night cause you could be like as much as this person tried to hurt me, I still didn't reciprocate. And yeah, I, I took that punch and it sucks, but at least I never said anything that I could feel guilty about. Exactly. Do you think that's ultimately a good way to implement anarchy in your personal life? Anarchy, implementing anarchy in your personal life just means respecting people's boundaries. It means not forcing people to do things they otherwise wouldn't want to do. I think you then have to take a case by case, like there's so many human interactions that are required for life and there's tension and all those kinds of things. It's not always. Am I being naive? Are you innocent? You're being so naive. No. Did you put the hat on? The hat's on the other head now. Well, I had to take off the hat cause it's like Frodo with the ring. I was starting to feel like powerful. I wanted to give you orders and I'm like, no, I just, I think there's a ways of dealing with the tensions that are natural to human interactions that can't be simply, you know, it's not as simple as saying you want to respect the freedom of others and the boundaries of others. It's like you both have to agree on stuff and work something out. And the mechanisms of that agreement, the game theory of that agreement requires different hacks and strategies. And the question is for an anarchist collective that's well functioning, what kind of hacks, what kind of ways of behavior are more likely to be productive and not, you know, that that's almost like the question, do you want to turn the other cheek or do you want to stand your ground really firmly? When somebody is an asshole to you, you walk away. Or when somebody is an asshole to you, you turn the other cheek and give them a chance to rise to the best version of themselves and then find a common ground kind of thing. It's an open question of how to form those collectives when there's people with difficult childhoods and all that kind of stuff. Well, this also comes down to what is your relationship with this person? Is this out of character? If you and I got into a disagreement, all of a sudden, you started getting very personal. First of all, I'd be very hurt. But then I'd be like, this is out of character for Lex. I'm sure I could be like, whoa, let's take a pause here. Like you're getting heated. I'm trying to work this out. What's going on here? And you get a kind of a meta conversation. But again, you and I have a relationship of mutual respect. So as opposed to if it was a stranger who just wants a piece of you, it's just like you are coming at me not correct. I don't have to reciprocate in kind. I'm not going to shoot you, but I'm not going to pretend that you deserve respect when you're treating me with such contempt. I do defer, especially with people I know, because this is smart long term game theory as well as the right thing to do. I do try to give them the benefit of the doubt at first, right? Because if you're going to go aggro, you can't go back. You could always go from like, let me hear them out and then then I could go aggro. So there's a big asymmetry there. Yeah. And that's, I mean, I don't think anyone has the answer to this question is, is that the right strategy? To me, game theoretically, it seems the right strategy is to... With reciprocity is what game theory says is the right strategy. They did the prisoner's dilemma and they found tit for tat is the one that's the most advantageous. So that's for when it's perfectly rational actors. But when you have, I mean, there's noise that there's a, I think, benefit to just, even if they keep being shitty to you, still being nice to them. Well then there's the inverse where girls are turned off. Some people are like, if you're in a relationship and not just girls, but like some people, when you're kind to them, they find you less attractive, right? That is kind of this weird, what am I supposed to do? Like you're only into me if I'm mean to you. I don't want to be mean, but then I'm getting punished for doing the right thing. That's another tricky one. And I mean, this is nothing that necessarily do with anarchism so much as like, you know, human beings are infinitely complex. We don't often know the backstory. Like for example, just yesterday, Jay, who's here is one of my closest friends. I had a dinner with a bunch of people. I couldn't bring a plus four, so he wasn't invited. He didn't know the circumstances. He just thought we were having dinner without him. He was hurt. Once I spelled it out, he completely understood and I felt horrible because for me to have any of my friends feel left out is just a very, very cruel thing. And I felt bad and I'm glad to apologize again publicly that that's ended up being the circumstances. But yeah, a lot of times we're also in Plato's cave. When you're dealing with somebody else, you have very, very limited information about their background and circumstances. And that's why I will always, if it's someone I even have a little bit of a relationship with, try to give them the benefit of the doubt because I found, especially this comes from being a coauthor, when you coauthor books and you're walking in other people's shoes, you don't know a lot of the information. So a lot of times it's just a misunderstanding. But isn't that a fundamentally anarchist question of how we figure out this puzzle of human complexities in order to form voluntary collectives? Like when you have to figure that out, how to make people feel good, how to make people... I agree. That's fair. I think not only anarchists have to think about this as my point, of course. Well... But we have to think about it more than others do. Right. I feel like I should try to argue against anarchism at some point, out of love, out of love. Okay. And so because people... Out of joy. People enjoy seeing me, what is it, when like Ben Shapiro argues against like a 20 year old feminist. Ben Shapiro destroys high school students with facts and legends. This is this video of Michael Miles destroys a Marxist, Russian, communist pig. So anarchism is opposed to hierarchies. Well that's left anarchism, anarcho communism, yeah. The state. But there are many hierarchies that are not the state. We have a hierarchy here. This is your show. I'm differential to you. Right. But they're... Okay. Rigid hierarchies. Forced hierarchies is the... Forced hierarchies. Forced hierarchies. Okay. So humans, when left on their own accord, they form hierarchies naturally. Yes, inevitably in my opinion. Inevitably. Which is why I disagree with the left anarchists. I think it's not a coherent thing to argue for nonhierarchical relationships, even in theory. It doesn't make sense to me. And I know the old school anarchists will call me stupid or uninformed, but I've never been able to even wrap my head around this claim that you could have relationships without hierarchy. Right. So this is a certain sense in which we're living in an anarchism now. And I don't mean just like, because the nations, as you've said, are in anarchism relative to each other, but isn't the United States just a collective that was formed in anarchy? And this is just the collective that we're operating under, this hierarchy that was naturally formed. It wasn't... Well, the United States was not naturally formed. It was formed by force and by fiat. But to your point, I stress this throughout the book. I always say this anarchism is not a location, it's a relationship. So yeah, you and I do have a hierarchy and this is your show, but neither of us really has an authority over the other. Like I'm here voluntarily. You can kick me out if you want. I can leave it anyone. Neither of us has the power to force the other to be in this relationship we've chosen. My lawyer, I defer to his judgment. He's not forcing me to do it. He gives me his advice and I could take it or leave it. Same with the doctor. So there is a clearly like who's in charge and who's not in charge, but they're not in a position to impose their will on everybody else. And you could very easily see John is Stephanie's lawyer and Stephanie is John's doctor. And in each of those contexts, one has this position of ostensible authority over the other. So anarchism is in fact not some utopian crazy thing. It is the norm of human relationships where you meet people. You're not necessarily equal. Someone's going to be taller, someone's going to be stronger, someone's smarter, wealthier with others. So you're not at all thinking I am here and I could tell you what to do and you are legally or morally obligated to follow my wishes. That is the basis of anarchism. So in what way is the United States imposing by force something on you, do you think? If you leave your house, you will go to jail. My money being taken from me via taxation. But don't you have the freedom to not operate under that? No, but that's like, yeah, like technically if someone comes up to you and mugs you and says your money or your life, you are making a choice. But what the anarchist argument is, they're not in a position to force you to make that choice. That is not morally binding, even though they have practically the power to force you into that dilemma. But you have the freedom to live under the United States or not. So even... Yeah, the argument is if you don't like it, leave, right? Not necessarily leave like geographically, but there's ways to live outside the force of the United States. There's ways, it's just very difficult to operate that way. But that's like saying you could outrun the mugger, which is true, but the issue is does that mugger have the right to tell you at gunpoint, you're either giving me your money or I'm going to shoot you or secret plan C, you get to run away. Is that person a moral actor? And the anarchist answer is never. And just one more thing, the anarchist view is the difference between that mugger and the government is only an air of legitimacy. Literally they're morally identical. So is it possible that every hierarchy that gets big enough and successful enough such that it can monopolize a bunch of services it provides, isn't it always going to be amoral in your sense, the way the United States government is amoral? I don't want to say just like the United States government is amoral because that implies the United States government is uniquely or especially amoral. Governments, I apologize. I just want to clarify that because I know you didn't mean that and I don't want that to be the implication. Can you repeat the question? I'm sorry. So like won't every Okay, so that's right. So that's progressive economics. So the argument is in any market at a certain point, things tend to centralize and then that organization de facto can dictate price, can dictate so on and so forth. That is completely historical. If you look at any market, the trend is always towards decentralization, the music industry, right? When we were kids, there were four or five record labels. They were the ones who made all the songs that you're going to see in the Billboard Top 100 with a few exceptions. Now anyone can go to direct to market. If you look at TV stations, right, it went from CBS, NBC, ABC, then you got Fox, then you had cable, which is 100. Now you have satellite, which have sounds around the world and you have YouTube, which is literally infinite. So as technology improves and as wealth increases, which is a function of free enterprise, you are going to always have more and more choice, even within a monopoly, Coca Cola, right? This is an example I used, I think in the new right, when we were kids, every terrible comedian would be like, oh, now that I've got diet caffeine free Coke, what's next? It's like, yeah, that's good. You want to have, what was his name, Cayman, the guy who invented the Segway. If you go, Dean Cayman, if you go into some restaurants right now, you will have those machines. You have like 80 kinds of Cokes and then you could have whatever flavor you want to add to it. Grape, cherry, lemon, lime, so on and so forth. So in any field, you're going to have more and more competition. You're going to have less competition and less choices when the state gets involved because the state wants control. The state wants one big neck with one leash around it and that way it could just pull that dog in one direction or another. And you saw this last year with the lockdowns, Carol Roth wrote this amazing book called The War on Small Business and she talked about, we have seen for the first time in history a massive wealth transfer from small and medium business towards organizations like Target and Amazon who made trillions of dollars last year. Whereas mom and pop, which to me at least is like the acme of American achievement. You come to America, you have a fruit stand, a laundromat, you make socks, whatever it is, you're that unique artisan creating something special. They're the ones who didn't last whereas Target and Amazon did. So when you have the state involvement, it will always be in favor of Jeff Bezos and for the simple reason that it's going to be a lot easier for Jeff Bezos to get Nancy Pelosi and Mitch McConnell on the phone than it is for me making socks on Etsy. Your sense is that there'll be less and less over time Jeff Bezos is like whatever industry we look at, there's be less, there's a trend towards decentralization across all industries. And when I say decentralization, I just mean choice, right? So if you look at again, networks, you're going to, if you were in the 80s and you had a network just for LGBT issues, first of all, it's going to be complete heretical. That's not going to happen and there's not going to be enough necessarily people identifies that to have an audience. Then there was something called logo. They have that and there's lots of other shows like that in this way. So more specific, look at websites. I am positive that you and I, if we wanted to look up breeding guinea pigs, would find thousands of websites about different breeds and all this other stuff 20 years ago, 30 years ago, like you're going to have two books and they're not going to be dynamic as these new breeds are developed. So at the same time it does, following on your argument, it does seem easier to move and immigrate from state to state within the United States and to other countries. Do you think that's a form of freedom that embodies anarchism where you can resist the force of state by choosing where you live? To some extent, but the line of people, some of these boomers will go at me on Twitter if I'm going after the police or something and be like, if you don't like America, get out of here. And I tell them freedom means I do what I want, not what you want. Freedom means I don't have to move. You don't have to move. Free speech is a good example. It doesn't mean I have to be on Twitter, right? Twitter has the right to ban me. But what I'm saying is I'm saying something and you don't like it, too bad. You're the one who has to accommodate me because I have a right to do what I want with my person as long as I'm being peaceful. So I guess I'm trying to get to the difference between the state and what you would naturally want in anarchy, which is like a security company, all of those things. They will, as they become successful, start looking more and more like the state. Because you get to elect, you give them money, they have leaders. What's the difference between a government and a very successful service provider in anarchism? Well, this gets a little confused in America as big companies necessarily are hand in hand with the government ended up in bed with them. The answer to this question is a long, complicated one. And thankfully, it's all in the Anarchist Handbook. There was an essay by Murray Rothbard who Dave Smith, this is the essay that converted Dave Smith. So maybe it's not as good as it could have been otherwise called Anatomy of the State. And Murray Rothbard points out that state is the only agency in a country which gets its goods through force. The state is the only agency that is not a producer, but inherently a parasite because it does not get its money voluntarily, but through taxation and by imposing its values on a country. That is what makes a state uniquely different from, let's suppose, an Amazon or a Barnes and Noble or a Target. Jeff Bezos does not have the authority or the moral legitimacy to get an army and go into somebody's house, whereas Andrew Cuomo or Ron DeSantis, Donald Trump and Barack Obama certainly do. But is it possible that to reframe, so Jeff Bezos does if he hires a security force, also is it possible to reframe taxation as a form of payment? If it was done much better, if you could pay this collective that we call government in ways where you could pay for things that you care for, your money would be much more directly contributing to the things you care for. If you care for a service like healthcare, you'll be able to buy essentially insurance from the government. Why am I buying insurance from the government as opposed to insurance from an insurance company? What do you perceive as the difference between a tax and a price? Do you see the difference? Yes, I know on the surface level, I'm trying to get deeply to say there's a lot of similarities. But what I'm saying is there's one essential difference, which is taxes are imposed on you and you have no choice. Here's an example. My book, Ego and Hubris, my biography, it goes for $500 on eBay. Someone paid for it. Some crazy person. People were showing me that it's on Amazon for $3,000, something like that. You could put a million for it. You could charge whatever price you want. The question is, is someone paying that $3,000 for it? Is someone paying that million for it? It's actually the buyer who establishes the price because the seller can put any price that he wants, $80 trillion. But unless someone's paying that amount and clearing the market, that price has literally no real meaning. It's not an indicator of value or worth or market price. Taxation, on the other hand, is by fiat. I can decide it's fair that you, Lex, have to pay 40% and Joe has to pay 45%. Joe and Lex are in no position to be like, this price is too high. Not only is that money set just completely out of their hands, for people who are employees, it's taken out of their paychecks before they even see it. So they don't even have the choice to be like, you know what? I agree that the government has the right to pay taxation. Here's my check for 40%. It's going on. It's a completely different paradigm than you are when you're paying for price. The government provides a lot of services in the current system. But there's no service the government provides that would not be provided better, more efficiently, and with more choices in a market. That's a hypothesis. No, that's very likely. Well, that's not a... I can demonstrate this to you very easily. I love it when you get flustered. This is what people like. It's so cute. The robot's... Don't make me put on the hat again. The robot has a fire. There's smoke coming out of his ears. What is price? I will tax love. I think of the government as a kind of subscription service. No, no. That's the anarchist view. The anarchist view of private security would be a subscription service. So that's exactly correct. But everyone hates when you sign up to a gym, and then you realize in the contract, it's very difficult to cancel that membership, and then they up the price. There's a lot of unpleasant things with a subscription service that then you can elect to go to another subscription service. Or you could go and Yelp and complain, and if there's enough people to do that, the gym will be receptive. Look at the power of Yelp versus the power of the vote. Well, we could talk about that too. So you're saying Yelp is more effective than voting. The thing is, I agree with you, but you take a further step. You say that Yelp is ethical and moral, and voting is amoral. Or like not voting, but government is amoral. So like it's not only is one more efficient than the other, you're saying like, because I would say government sucks at doing what it does, and it's gotten a lot better at it, and I believe it can keep getting better as it gets smaller and it leverages companies more and more. But you're saying, no, no, no, government is fundamentally as an idea gets in the way of companies that should be doing those things anyway. I just think that companies, when you take away government, will start looking like government. Just because something looks like something does not mean it's the same. If someone puts out a yarmulke and tefillin and they go to shul, they're not Jewish. Right. The basic objection you have with government, because you can leave, like I apologize that this is that stupid Twitter cliche statement. But your opposition to this idea of leaving the United States is that it's just, it's a lot of effort. It's too much friction. That's not the option. The opposition is in the introduction to the book, I say anarchism can be summed up in one sentence. You do not speak for me. Everything else is application. So the claim that somebody I've never met or who I voted against, let's say, I hate Donald Trump, I despise him, I want Hillary Clinton to be president. Too bad Trump's your president, that's not what I want. The idea that this person can come on me and make any claims onto one second of my time, as opposed to try to persuade me, that is something that I, an anarchist, regard as inherently evil and nonsensical. But to operate large organizations, like you see this with cryptocurrency, there's governance, you have to make difficult decisions. It's a block size wars for Bitcoin. Sure. So you will, there is a voting mechanism often with membership when you're a subscription service. But see, the thing is, you're using these words and you're switching definitions. Because like, if I go to a store, I can technically say I'm voting for Tropicana orange juice as opposed to another one. But to kind of say, oh, well, you're making a choice there for every choice is a vote. I don't, I think that that's something that the Venn diagram is not. No, I literally mean vote in this case, not money. Okay. There's some decisions, like, should Bitcoin have increases block size? Okay. There's a bunch of different, they're called soft forks or hard forks. Oh, I'm not saying you should never vote, like stockholders have to vote, right? Exactly. But there's no pretense. Here's, let's look at this. If you want to build robots, right? You would sit down with the company, you would, you guys would be like, we should do this kind of robot, we should do this kind of robot. The stockholders would have a vote or the board in proportion to their investment in the firm. Me, who knows nothing about robots, the idea that I'm in a position to walk in and be like, this is what you should do is crazy and bizarre and wrong because I'm not in a foreign position. So what democracy does is it forces people who run businesses well to run businesses poorly by people who don't know how to run businesses at all. That's the, that's one of the many concerns. But you're saying that's the fundamental property of the state. I have a sense that the state could become as effective as what we think of as companies. I mean, as. This is why they can't, because the state does not have access to data the way that firms do. And this is one of Ludwig von Mises's great points, what he called the calculation problem. If I'm looking at comic books, right, and I have Detective Comics, if Detective Comics 26 is a thousand and Detective Comics 28 is a thousand and Detective Comics 27 is 50,000, that is telling me that even if I don't know anything about comics, that Detective Comics 27 is either very, very scarce for some reason or very, very desirable. It's the first appearance of Batman, whatever, but you don't need to know that to just look at this data and be like, okay, this is the market, tell me something. If prices are set by the government, which the government is a monopoly, I have no way of picking those winners or losers. I don't have that data of supply and demand of an entire nation or a world of people making individual decisions and having price be dynamic and informing me as the organization where I should allocate my resources. So the price is a really strong signal that allows you to operate a voluntary collective where people get what they want and don't get what they don't want. And it tells me what to produce, what not to produce. And it also is great because if I see this podcasting industry, which didn't exist five years ago, and now these people are making bank, that tells me as someone who is an investor, they're making 50%, whatever, 10% profit on their capital. In the plant industry, it's 2%. If I'm going to further my capital to this 10%, and that's going to lower the profit rate as that builds up. And that is how markets are regulated, voluntarily. But the word government, I just think it's possible to have collectives of human beings that represent others based on their voluntary... Yes, of course, you have private governance. Any company, you can have a CEO, you can have a board of directors. But then you, I just, it starts to look very similar to me, a successful private governance mechanism at a scale of the United States starts looking a whole lot like the current government of the United States. Even Amazon, I don't think is anything close to the federal budget, size wise or budget wise or power wise. No. So you're saying you just, it's not even state, it's almost like anything at that size. You want to keep things smaller. And I don't, markets are not going to combine to that level of the state because Jeff Bezos will never be in a position to tell everyone in America, I'm going to take 40% of your money before you even see it. That to me is actually unclear. We don't know that to be true, where that Google or Amazon can't grow to the size. If you take away the US government, I'm not so sure that Amazon can't grow to the size of the US government. Okay, so worst case scenario is we're back where we started, right? That's not worst case scenario. But the concern is that Google is going to be the federal government? That's not the concern. I'm saying like, this is what it looks like when Google is the federal government. It's not, it's like, to me, the US government is our best attempt so far to have large scale representation of people's interest. It really sucks, but it's our best attempt so far and the question is how to improve it. Like if you take away all, if you take away the US government, I'm trying to see how do we improve on that level, that scale of representation of people's interest. Let me give you one example that people could wrap their hands around very easily. I'm against government police monopoly, I'm for private security, right? You don't have to be an anarchist to understand this. Can everyone agree, or at least as a hypothesis, everyone can wrap their heads around, here's a big concern, 911, right? I've heard this 911 call, it's very chilling. There's a kid in a closet, his family's being murdered outside, right? He has to call 911, he's whispering. It's horrifying to hear. There's no reason why the number I call for my family's being murdered is the same number I call for the fire department is the same number I call for an ambulance. What if instead it operated like Uber? You have buttons on your phone, if there's a real emergency, like someone's gun flyers, someone's being killed, you press this and it sends instead of the one police district, whatever company is nearby, you have a bunch of them and they're the ones who are going to come to your house to save you. People can wrap their heads around that very easily. That is one very clear way to go from having a government security monopoly towards having a more free enterprise system. So when you apply that to pretty much anything, it doesn't become that complicated of an alternative. So what I would, you're going to criticize this, but I believe the government, it's like the parenting thing we've talked about earlier, I think it creates a safe space for gov, for I'm for safe spaces, so I'm not going to laugh at you about that. I want people to be safe. But for a safe space for entrepreneurship. So I believe that good government, hold on a sec, give me a sec, give me a sec. Sure, sure. I'm sorry. I'm sorry. You're right. You're right. I'm sorry. I think government gives a opportunity for companies to out compete it. Yes. UPS, FedEx, 100%, not a question. So I believe you need to have private schools, government to give a chance for UPS, FedEx, for SpaceX, oh there's an X in there, to pop up and then government will naturally back off from that place. So like you, but you need the innovators to step in and build the thing. Okay. Like you can't just. When has government ever backed off though? That never happens. I back, well, from FedEx and UPS, from SpaceX, from Amazon. Wait, wait, hold on. The US Postal Service still competes with FedEx and UPS. So here's the other thing. Not nearly. Not well, but they still exist. And the point is. They're dying. But UPS and FedEx are taxed. So not only are they paying for their own company, they're paying for this competitor. This is the essential difference. Imagine if you didn't have UPS, excuse me, the federal government and no post office. So you had FedEx, you have DHL, you have US Postal Service and many others. How about in this scenario, UPS has the capacity to take 20% of FedEx's DHL and couriers money and put in their own pocket and they never have to do anything in return. This is going to be an enormous advantage of UPS. And then when you add the addition that UPS is not necessarily going to be more efficient than the others, this is going to be a huge distortion in the market. Can you imagine if your podcast, you just automatically got 20% of the views of everybody else? I mean, would there be any incentive for you to be great? Or you could just sit in your laurels and do whatever you want even more than now. It's hard to imagine more than now. That's because you're a robot and lack imagination. I think there just has to be, of course you can do it completely without government, but government... That's all I need to hear. Okay. That's all I need to hear. Show's over. Show's over. What else you can do without government at the end? Let us try. The question is that safety net that's needed for entrepreneurship, that's needed for, I'm sorry to say, but I have a sense that there needs to be a bit of a safety net for freedom. I'm much more comfortable with saying you need a safety net for freedom than you need one for entrepreneurs. The beauty of markets is with your startup, if you have a startup and it completely fails, the only person who's screwed is you and your investors. If I'm a government and I make a startup, the entire society fails, like the Iraq war. If I have this cockamamie plan, everyone else doesn't have a choice. They are both funding it and sometimes even drafted or forced into it. The safety net, the antlers, getting back to the early anarchists, one of the things that I admire about them, the inaugural communists, the old school left anarchists, is people don't remember what context they were in. They were in context without a welfare state, they're immigrating in huge numbers from Eastern Europe, you go to the Tenement Museum in New York, people like 12 to a room, kids are working in factories, they're either working in factories or they have to starve. It's not that their parents didn't love them, it's that the parents didn't have birth control, which was a felony, and they also were in a position to put food on the table for their kids because they're uneducated and the jobs are paying nothing. You could understand why Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, Proudhon, and all these other figures were like, this is untenable, we see Carnegie with 80,000 mansions, whereas this lady whose husband died at age 30, who's never been to high school or even junior high school, has 10 kids, how's she going to put food on the table, it's not going to happen. You could understand why they would be like, all right, we need to seize this money and distribute it around the people, that makes a lot of sense. In a contemporary context, where food is much cheaper, where shelter to some extent is more available, when medical care, we're so oblivious to how bad things were that we see things are bad now, so we assume that they were better than in some contexts. They were much, much worse there in many contexts. So if you're going to make an argument for government, for me, the strongest argument is like food stamps or like free lunches for children, because I agree that would be very inefficient and it's going to probably make them obese because you're going to have Nabisco lobbying to make sure that if you're going to have this protein, you're not going to give the kids an Oreo, aren't you? These kids are poor, you want them to have some pleasure and that's going to have deleterious effects. But if the choice is an inefficient government program and mass starvation, that is one where as an anarchist, I could easily see making the argument for that one. Even though I think very clearly private charity would be more efficient and distribute it more effectively. But at that point, I don't really care about efficiency. If you're throwing out food to make sure these kids get fed, I don't care. So would engagement in military conflict be one of the biggest negative things about the state to you? Yeah, of course. War is the state at its worst. So if we take away war or make it defensive instead of aggressive, yeah. I mean, wouldn't that be a huge step forward if war instead of regarded, we're always, this is what drives me crazy. We're taught as kids in school that war is a last resort. And I agree with that. And yet when you look at the corporate press, war is always the first response. And these people do not talk about what war means. They'll show examples during the Bush years of soldiers coming home in caskets, which already is an unacceptable price in many cases for me. But they don't even pretend to care about the people overseas whose countries we've ransacked and lives we've ruined. And it's just like, well, what are you going to do? Not ransack those countries? So that war to me is the state at its worst. See, I think that there is value from small government that doesn't engage in wars. I do think that the kind of collectives that you imagine functioning well would look like I remember the first time I went into a church and they were asking questions about the Jewish concept, the afterlife. They weren't familiar with Jewish thought. And it took me a second because I didn't really have answers. And then I remembered what we were taught, which is, let's suppose you're at this banquet, the best chef on earth, and the table is so heavy because you've got steaks and you've got chicken and you've got sushi and the wine's flowing and you've got your Dr. Pepper and Mr. Pibb and the store brand, everything you want. And you're looking around at this amazing bounty, right? And then you turn to this best chef on earth and you're like, oh, so what's for dessert? I mean, the offensiveness of that is just so insane. You have this, eat the meal. I promise you, if I could deliver this meal, the dessert's going to be okay. So this focus on the afterlife when we've been given this amazing gift on this earth is a very kind of different mindset from both the Jewish tradition as I'd been taught and the Camus mindset. Obviously, Camus was an atheist, didn't believe in an afterlife. This concept that life is meaningless, but that means you have that opportunity to find value, to seek for truth, to seek for happiness. And Camus has this quote, it's ascribed to him, it's like a meme. I've never found the source, so maybe he doesn't really say it, but he says, maybe it's not about happy endings, maybe it's about the journey. And I think when you have that mindset, and as you and I, I think you and I both found this because neither of us, when we were kids, thought we'd be doing this, right? But now that we are really fortunate. Definitely this. Yeah. And definitely that. Yeah. But now that we're fortunate enough to do this, and that we're blessed enough that there's people who find this of value and interest, and we could pay the rent doing this, there's not a day that goes by where I don't think you and I think, this is pretty absurd, but it's also pretty wonderful. And as a consequence of us thriving, it also shows other people that happiness is possible on this earth. And I think cynicism is the lie. It's not just the worldview, it's a lie that happiness is not possible on this earth. Or it's only possible if you sell your soul and you're a bad person, you screw other people over. I reject that in every aspect. As you said, my birthday is coming up. I've been feeling just a lot of really great things have been happening very, very recently. So it affects me very heavily emotionally, especially when I see the response it gives to the kids. So it's one thing to say, this is what I'm for. But when you can provide proof of concept that what you've been advocating does result in positive responses. I got a message from this kid who had tried to kill himself a year ago. And then he was like, look, I found your work, I found some other stuff. And now I realized I'm going to make something of myself. I was born in a meth house, you know, whatever, 19, 20 years old, I should be in the garbage. But I'm going to try to be a stand up because I have opportunity on this earth. Even if he fails as a stand up, you know, he's still such whatever he does, washing dishes, there's no shame in that. Is it so bad to have a crappy job and a girlfriend who you don't really like? But as compared to the alternative of like, I'm going to kill myself. This is heaven. Well, I think there's beauty to be discovered in all of it and all of those experiences. Yes. So, but at the same time, so I often think about I just recently reread The Idiot by Dostoevsky. I often feel like the idiot. That's why when I say I'm an idiot, I often think about Prince Mishkin, that kind of idiot, which the world sees you as naive. I don't think he's naive. I don't think I'm naive, but I tend to see the good in people and the good in every moment. And the world often is cynical. And in fact, especially in what we do, often the intellectual is supposed to be cynical. This is very much an urban, elite, educated mindset, where if you write a book about someone who's, let's suppose, a drug addict or a prostitute, that has heft and that's valid. But if you're writing a book about like a love story, you know, two people fall in love and they're in roller coasters or carousels, that's less legitimate. I hate that. I hate that. I hate that so much because the message it gives to people is you have to choose between thriving and happiness and silliness and seriousness and depravity. And I'm not saying a drug addict or prostitute is depraved, but they're basically their worldviews. Unless it's dark and twisted, it doesn't really count as art. And I despise that mindset, that subtext. So the internet and people around me often will call me naive. Because I don't know. I think the word they want is innocent. Don't you think? It's a better word. But it's not that innocent. No, but innocent in that you genuinely in your heart, I know you fairly well at this point, believe that goodness is possible and that people can, if not be good, at least be better than they were yesterday. See, even the word naive or the word innocent presumes that there's not wisdom in that. Presumes that somehow that's, oh, isn't that beautiful to live that life of a child who sees the world with these bright eyes and is hopeful about the future, but just wait until they grow up and realize that reality is much harsher than they think. But that child might be wiser than all of the adults in the room. And don't you want to be, if the world is like that, don't you want to be the guy who takes it on and changes it for the better? So it's like saying, well, you know, cancer is everywhere. It's inevitable. Well, don't you want to be the one who says, not anymore. I'm here and I'm going to make that change and I can see it being better than it is now. So I think you and I have the same analysis of your worldview and I don't think that there is a good word for it. So I guess it's this idea of inherent benevolence might be wordy, but I think that's more accurate because, you know, you and I did not have such easy lives growing up, to put it mildly. You constantly talk about just horrific aspects of life. So to claim that you kind of don't know that they exist or you sleep under the rug is completely not accurate to your work and your mindset. Can we talk about World War II and the Soviet Union? Sure. So on Sunday, June 22nd, 1941, Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa, which was the surprise invasion of the Soviet Union. If I could read to you a few lyrics from a song that for some reason is stuck throughout my childhood. It was a famous song during that time. Двадцать второго июня ровно в четыре часа Киев бомбили, нам объявили, что началась война, война началась на рассвете, чтобы больше народу убить, спали родители, спали их дети, когда стали Киев бомбить. The song talks about Kiev, like that moment as part of that operation that Kiev was first bombed and it was announced on June 22nd. The song says at exactly four o clock that the war has begun. For some reason this song haunts me because the exactness of that time and this realization that at any moment you can have this thing happen to you in your own personal life. Maybe we had something like 9 11 happen where everything changes and it's just like haunting because it makes me think that at any moment something like that could happen that changes everything and I just think about like normal life going on in Kiev at the time and then all of a sudden the bombs are dropping and they announce that the war has begun and you thought you were going to stay out of the war. This is something that is very intensely emotional for me because you and I are both Russian Jewish so to know that my grandparents and my great grandma were told that the Nazis are coming and this wasn't a dress rehearsal and that if they get here, which they do, they did, Lvov is very western Ukraine, that 100% you and all your relatives are going to be murdered. There's a monument now in Lvov where I'm from about this but I don't think either of us can imagine what it's like to think that we're about minutes or whatever hours or there's just the Russian army standing between us and everyone we are related to are going to be murdered for no reason and what's the closure here? They evacuated a lot of people but they didn't evacuate enough and to know that there is this force coming to 100% murder you, this isn't some kind of the TV news being hyperbolic, they're coming to kill you and if they get you, they will kill you. We all think about war like, oh, we hope America wins in Iraq, but if America got their ass get kind of in Vietnam, it's not really going to affect America in the sense that you're the best version of government that I imagine. So I see them as the same. I think a lot of it is just terminology. I have no problem saying that I'm using the word anarchism incorrectly and to go for what you want. I have no problem with that or anything, really. Because like I said, life is beautiful. But nevertheless, you wrote the essay, why I'm not going to vote this time or ever. Why I won't vote this year or any other year or any year. And the basic idea. I hope you do a better job reading it than you just read that title. I guess you'll take as many takes as necessary. I'll read it in Russian and then pay somebody to translate it. This isn't even Russian at all. He's just making up words. Where'd you find this guy? You get what you pay for. Yeah, exactly. This is anarchy. This is what you wanted. Like your basic summary is, let me see, if pressed, the simplest explanation I have for refusing to vote is this, I don't vote for the same exact reasons that I don't take communion. No matter how admirable he is or how much I agree with him, the Pope isn't the steward over my soul, nor is any president the leader of my life. This does not make me ignorant or evil any more than not being a Christian makes me ignorant or evil. If I need representation, I will hire the most qualified person to do so. Isn't voting our current best developed way of hiring the most qualified person to represent you on some things? No, because if I have a lawyer and the lawyer screws up, I can fire him. If I vote for someone, I don't get who I want. I get for who my neighbors want. So that makes no sense. Representation means I want you to speak for me. Whereas voting is like, I kind of want you, but I'll take what I can get and I'm going to take what I could get regardless. So what's the point? In governments, again, that's what Bitcoin is. You want to be represented in deciding what to do, but once... Wait, Bitcoin isn't picking a person. They're not picking a president of Bitcoin. They're picking an idea. Yeah. It's more like a referendum. And to me, a referendum is much more coherent and defensible than it is voting for a representative because if I'm voting for Joe Biden, I'm saying this person speaks for me for abortion, taxation, environmental policy, immigration, war, right? The odds that unless you're a complete NPC, that this one person will speak for you for everything and will deliver what he promised and has the power to deliver what he promises is not true. Whereas if I have Brexit, if I say I want Britain to remain part of the European Union to say yes or no question, that makes a lot more sense to me. But even that is not pure democracy because going back to the idea of the circulation of elites, which James Burnham talked about, Pareto and Moscow and all them, you're still going to have someone telling you what you can and can't vote for and how these questions are framed. So in contradiction to what the left anarchist said, some element of hierarchy is always going to be inevitable. So listen, I agree with this aspect very much so that we should be voting for ideas and issues not voting for leaders, for leaders to represent us across the full spectrum of issues. It seems to make no sense. Okay, good. Yeah, this is great. But I do think there should be a leader, I do believe in voting for representatives to debate, to be communicators of ideas to us. But let me start to interrupt you, but you could have those two things. For example, wouldn't this be an improvement if they have that now, you have a referendum, you want tax rates to be 30 or 40, whatever percent, you have the guy leading the campaign for 50, fight for 50, then you have the lady leading the campaign for 40, fight for 40, they'll go out there, they can have debates, they can talk about the issue, but you're still not voting for one of them, you're voting for the issue. That makes much more sense to me than I'm going to vote for him and hope that he puts forward 50 and that depends on 99 other senators. Exactly. But also, I mean, I do like the idea of voting for certain people to debate certain ideas. Yes, I think that's a major improvement. But the final vote should be based on the idea. So okay, so we agree. That would be nice to have, plus no wars, and then you'll stop tweeting so aggressively. And to decriminalize things that don't hurt people. Drugs. Drugs especially, prostitution is a big one. And this is me talking, all cops are criminals. There's no one, or maybe other than abused children, who needs access to the police other than sex workers. They're the ones who are the most likely to really put themselves in danger situation, so they need to be able to call security, because that's why they have pimps. Because you're a woman dealing with some strange dudes who are a lot of the time going to have weird kinks, you want to be able to be sure, even if you don't approve of prostitution, think it's horrible, that she's not going to be raped and murdered and have no consequences. And if you're going to say, oh, well, she's a prostitute, she can't be raped. Just think for a second, if you're agreeing to sleep with somebody, and then he starts choking you and beating the crap out of you and saying it's now it's a dom situation, that is clearly beyond the pale of salt. And the same thing with drugs, heroin, cocaine, crack. The people that need help the most are the ones who are addicted to those drugs and putting punishment. Let's suppose you think drug dealers should be in jail, right? It is very hard for me to say that someone who sells cocaine should be treated or in the same building as someone who rapes children, or as a murderer. These are not similar types of evil, even if you believe that that drug dealer is an evil person. Yeah, I have. I mean, there's an essay in there called by Alexander Berkman, who was Emma Goldman's partner on prisons and crime. And this is leftism at its best, forgetting the person is forgotten. And the fact that we have the world's largest prison population, the fact that so many people are just like, oh, you commit a crime, just put them in jail, throw away the key. At the very least, if you want to be totally immoral about it, it's expensive. And second of all, the concept that all criminals should be locked in a room together in these kind of largely inhuman conditions, and that's going to help people. I don't think that that's the ideal mechanism. Yeah, I tend to believe, I usually don't speak so negatively about politicians, but I do think that politicians have done more evil in the war on drugs than did the people that are supposed to be the criminals in this picture. And I'll give you another example of how this is the anarchist critique of power. Hunter Biden, and I'm not making fun of him, I'm not taking shots at him. He had an article in the New Yorker, where he talks about when he was in LA, he was buying crack and there was a misunderstanding or like he left the crack pipe in the Hertz car and then blah, blah, blah, there's an issue. He's admitting to a felony in writing to a reporter. And I'm sure this was within the statute of limitations. There was no possibility he was going to have consequences. Kamala Harris, who was a cop, talked about when she was in college, she was smoking weed. And it's like, I don't begrudge you guys smoking your crack or smoking your weed, but for other people who are poor or maybe just had the short end of the stick, this is years of their life being destroyed. At the very least, even an arrest is a traumatic situation. If you have a weed or cocaine or crack, you're arrested, that's really going to screw up, it's going to do a number on you being locked up. So to have that double standard to me is completely unacceptable. And that has nothing to do with Republican or Democrat. George W. Bush was a coke head back in the day. He talks about overcoming his addiction, and I'm glad that he did, more power to him. But just to have this kind of, you know, it's just really kind of disturbing to me, and this is my anarchist brain, like how prevalent drug use is in college. I think there's a joke on South Park, like, there's a time and a place to try drugs, and that's called college where people experiment. But all those college kids, which are going to become next generation's elite, don't really have that worry that if they get caught, then anything's going to happen to them. But that kid in the street who did not have that good upbringing, even if he's a piece of crap, like he's not going to have a different punishment, I think that's just really at his base on American. So in contrast to Tolstoy, let me ask you about Emma Goldman. You wrote that if anarchism believed in rulers, then Emma Goldman would be the undisputed queen. Yes. What ideas defined her flavor of anarchism, would you say? Emma was really an old school radical. She was a radical among radicals. I don't know what ideas, I mean, what would define her was anarchism, obviously. There's the violence. I mean, she was more open to the idea of violent opposition versus somebody like Tolstoy. Oh, sure, for sure. So basically, Emma and Alexander Berkman, their mentor was someone named Johann Most. And Johann Most was a very early free speech, not very early, but he was a free speech concern because he published a pamphlet in Europe that was translated in the States about how to build dynamite. Because his idea was, all right, you have this oppressive government, this oppressive police force that use batons and bolts against us. The only way for us as the working class to level the playing field is through dynamite and here's how you build it. So the question is, all right, is this something that could be allowed to be legal now that you're allowing the layman to, in his own house, build bombs? So Johann Most, basically, they had a big parting of ways because when Alexander Berkman tried to assassinate Frick, Johann said, no, no, no, this is not something I'm for. And in fact, they thought with this assassination, this failed assassination, this would be the thing that's fired off the revolution because you had the strike, the Pinkertons involved, Pinkertons getting killed, strikers are getting killed. This is what Marx predicted, they're gonna light the spark and everything's gonna come falling down. He ends up going to jail for 13 years instead, Alexander Berkman does. And then Goldman and Berkman had a big issue because when Leon Salgas killed McKinley in 1901, it was really, it's kind of humorous in retrospect. He gets arrested and they're like, why'd you kill the president? He goes, I was radicalized by Emma Goldman and she's like, oh, damn it, she's on the run. I don't even know this guy. And she made the point about like, why is it worse than the president being killed and somebody else? We're all equal. And you would think if you're against capitalism, against the ruling class, this would be your first target. But Berkman, who went to jail, who tried to assassinate someone, he had said, McKinley, this is your villain? He's just a party hack. He's like a symptom of the times, this is foolish. And Goldman disagreed with him. He thought it wasn't necessarily justified, but it may have done something that was defensible. So the three of them, you know, had their differences on the use of violence. And in fact, when she came back from Russia and was denouncing it in her book, My Disillusionment in Russia, My First Disillusionment in Russia, the last chapter she goes, look, I'm not saying I'm against violence. When there's the revolution comes, we're going to have to use force. She goes, but it's not the force of the state against the working class, against the masses. This is exactly what we're opposed to. This is a complete obscenity to our principles. So that was interesting. The fact that she was a, her periodical Mother Earth was a clearinghouse for many prominent, you know, ideas of the day that weren't anarchist, but were certainly radical. So she was a bit, and also she was like tiny, she was like 5.1. So to have this little woman who was so feisty and... Talk back to Lenin. Talk back to Lenin. She took on Lenin, Woodrow Wilson, J. Edgar Hoover was the one who deported her. Someone who just... And the thing is, you have to be careful because I think just like war, it's very easy to glamorize violence and to regard it as something admirable or heroic, like you're fighting for the cause. But if you take it out of the romanticism, you're like, you're killing someone who had kids. You are, you know, killing someone with a family. You're making your, if you're going to shoot someone, they're probably going to retaliate twice as hard. Violence sings its own song and this is a very dangerous road you're going down. So you really need to be careful about what you're preaching here. And you know, she kind of had this mixed feelings about it, but that is certainly not Emma Goldman her best. Emma Goldman her best was about the ultimate freedom of the individual, of caring about people who are desperately poor, who despised the corporate idea that we all had to be made into cookie cutters and be interchangeable and all have to start work at the same time. And basically our entire lives slave for corporation that have nothing to show for it while they get wealthy and you have no opportunity for either productive work or creative work. So that I think the valorization of kind of the lowest of the low is something I find very admirable. There's a quote of hers, which I think even for those of us who are, you know, for property rights is left anarchism at its best, but she goes, go and ask for work. If they don't give you work, ask for bread. If they don't give you bread, take bread. So the idea that like, if you're that poor and you're honestly trying to work and work isn't available and you steal food to keep alive, that you shouldn't feel guilt about it. I don't know that I would disagree with that. I think that there's something to be said at that point where it's just like, you know, if property rights come between that and mass starvation, it's going to be very hard for anyone to make the case for property rights. Now, my argument is when you have free enterprise, food becomes so plentiful that now obesity is an issue. But at the time she did not have, of course, have that data to access. Is there somebody you left out from the book that you thought about leaving in like some interesting figures? Yeah, there's a couple. So Chomsky would have been one, of course, because he's probably one of the biggest anarchist thinkers in contemporary times. I was on the fence about Herbert Spencer because he's not an anarchist. Chris Williamson's reading the chapter for the book. He coined the term Survival of the Fittest and the chapter is called The Right to Ignore the State from his book, Social Statics. It was deleted from later editions, but people found it and reprinted it. And Randolph Bourne, he was an early progressive. He was the only one or one of the very few fighting against entering the Great War. And he had an essay called War is the Health of the State, which is basically about how states love war because it gives them an excuse to increase their power. And it's very hard to argue against increasing state power in a time of war. But since he was not himself an anarchist and there was plenty antiwar in there already, I didn't include him, but those would be the ones. Is there some people that you think the public would be surprised to learn that they are at least in part anarchists? Like I saw that Howard Zinn is supposedly an anarchist. I mean, is there, like, just like Tolstoy is an anarchist. Is there some people like that that you think in our modern life that would be surprised to learn they're anarchists? I can't think of any off the top of my head. I mean, you could say Carl Hess, who was like Barry Goldwater's speechwriter from the 1964 campaign, but he's hardly a household name. I mean, I think a lot of people would not ascribe to that term, but are certainly informed with this complete distrust of all authority. Murray Rothbard had an essay, if I didn't include anatomy of the state, I was going to include this one. It's much, much shorter. And his question was, who are our allies and who are our enemies? And the point he made is there's lots of people who would call themselves anarchists who are of little use, whereas someone who is still like a minarchist or for government, but genuinely hates the question Rothbard had is if there's a button and you could press that you would end the state, would you press it so fast your finger would get a blister? Those are allies, even if they're, you know, somewhat of a minarchist. So I think that is kind of a better lens of looking at it. And I don't think anyone needs to really ascribe to anarchism as a whole ideology in so far as you're seeing right now, many people in certain fringe elements are just essentially or are decreasingly fringe and increasing mainstream elements are realizing that this idea that whatever the state does is somehow morally binding or legitimate is something that at least bears strong questioning. Sure. And I mean, I guess there's a lot of groups like the libertarians, for example, have some element of that. Oh, sure. For sure. I mean, I think that's the beginning of the ways of government. And also, I think what I love, I mean, if there's one issue where I would want people to have this kind of analysis, it is war. And it is like, okay, are you really sure? Because this is 100% going to result in a lot of people being killed, a lot of people being traumatized, a lot of people who are never going to recover, children, innocent people. Are you really sure this is the right thing to do? And I think a lot of times if the answer is, well, it's the profitable thing to do. And that is, I think, again, government at its absolute most venal and worst. You Michael Malice in many ways are a New Yorker. Oh, yes. I'll give you one example. I don't know where Austin is on the map. No idea. Not even kidding. But does it even matter? It doesn't matter. But nevertheless, you've decided to move to Austin. Yes. Why do you think you're moving to Austin, or why do you moving both to Austin and away from New York? This was one of the both, I hate it when people talk like this, but I'm gonna do it anyway. This was one of the hardest and easiest decisions of my life. It was hard because I've lived in New York since I was two, other than college. It's the only home I've known. I know it intimately. I know all the cool spots. I love it with every fiber of my being or I did. It was very much, you know, ingrained in my personality, my outlook about what cities can be and can't be and should be and shouldn't be. Deciding to move was not done. But when you see your crew, your chosen family, one by one whittling away, it's not easy. They all left. There's just a couple of us left in New York. And I don't see any mechanism by which New York is going to improve. Things are getting much worse all the time. It's just completely outrageous. Here I would have a huge crew. I didn't realize how much cheaper real estate is than in New York. This is another way. So New Yorkers are the most provincial people on earth who are completely oblivious to the rest of the country. So for a long time, the argument was New York versus LA, right, for certain types of people. And they would say LA is cheaper in terms of rent. So in New York, let's suppose the rent is a thousand, LA was 700, but you have to get a car. I'm like, this is kind of a wash. So I assumed Austin would be like 80% of New York prices. And I'm looking at these houses and for like 700,000, you could get a house here that would cost like 3.5 million in New York. And you could have a gun. And it's just like, I could have a yard and I could have a dog and I could have a three bedroom and I could have, you know, aquariums and my weird plants. So to have all that, and it's just to have, I am very, very lucky that I have such a supportive crew. And they were also very smart because they sat me down and they said, whatever excuse you have not to move here, we are going to make sure that doesn't count. So my buddy Matt said, because I have a huge library, he goes, I will go to your house and I will pack every single book you own myself so you can get that as an excuse the other way. I don't know how to drive and you do this, she's like, we're going to take driving lessons together. There goes that excuse. How do I find an apartment? They're like, we'll go to with the realtor and we'll take pictures for you. We'll report back. You can trust our judgment. And I'm like, that's great. I would do that. That sounds like fun shopping for houses that have to buy them. Then Matt just yesterday had the idea goes, come here, rent a furnished apartment for a few months. You don't have the pressure of buying. And it's just, it's going to be an easy transition. The rent's not going to be anything compared to New York. I'm like, these are all very valid things. You're here. Lots of other people. Yeah, that's what this is. I made sure that's renting month to month. Oh, this is rental. This is rental. Oh, you didn't realize this. I thought you bought this. No, no, no. This is rental. We can talk. Why? I thought you bought it. No, it's rental. Well, I really value freedom. Yeah, of course. Who are you talking to? I've heard of this thing, freedom, it's really great. But not everybody in the implementation of freedom is different for everybody. Of course. I don't want to make a statement about others. I'll just speak for myself. I think when you buy a house, that is not just a wise financial decision or all those kinds of reasons that people have, investment, all those kinds of things. I think it's also a hit on your freedom because the positive way to frame that is you make it a home. Yes. You have a deep connection to it. But the negative way to frame it is you're now a little bit stuck there. Yeah. And you may stay there way longer than you should when much better opportunities for life come up. There's stages in life when you're not sure exactly what the future will hold. I would argue that's very often the case, basically at every stage in life. I just want to make sure I maximize the freedom to embrace the most ambitious, the craziest, the wildest, the most beautiful opportunities that come by. You've actually brought this up too, because I said I really enjoyed the conversation with you and Yaron, talking to you and somebody else, and I think you make a really significant effort. You've said this before, but it really is true and it stands in contrast to other folks who are also good conversation. You really make an effort for that person to meet the person. Oh, for sure. You made me realize it's kind of an art form, but it's also just, it's a thing worth doing of putting in that effort and that leap of humanity to reach the, whether you're talking to Dave Rubin or Alex Jones or Joe or me, just those are different human beings and they're taking that leap. It's fascinating. I mean, do you have, how do you think about that? I'm a huge introvert as you are, I think. I feel very, very, very lucky that I get to get on a mic and run my mouth and for some people, for some reason, people like this. So I know what it's like to have a good convo and I know what it's like to have a bad convo. So before I'll do a show, I will have like some things I would want to talk about. And then I'll think about how to say them in an engaging way. So I do my homework in that regard. I'm also very good at, or I pride myself at taking people who are cerebral or intellectual and making them a little bit silly, but also making them feel safe to be silly because I'm not going to be making a buffoon of them that we're having fun as opposed to disrespecting the person. I think we all saw that with Yaron, who's very cerebral, very serious, but we were all cracking jokes and he was having a good time and he knew even if I'm making fun of him to his face, it is coming from a place of kindness and he's in on the joke and we're all having fun. That is something I try to do as much as possible. I had an episode of my show a couple of weeks ago and someone who's been a friend of mine for a long time and someone I admire a lot, Elizabeth Spires, she was the founding member of, founding editor of Gawker, she's worked for the Observer for Jared Kushner, her resume second to none and she was on my show and she was talking, her politics are pretty straightforward like corporate journalist, blue pilled politics and my audience was very upset that I wasn't pushing back or whatever. I'm like, my job, if someone is coming to a place where the audience is at least going to be somewhat hostile, is not to make her have negative consequences for doing something that she didn't need to do. My job is to make sure that the experience is a positive one for her as the host. So when I'm the guest, I always feel that my job is to make the host look good and make the host not feel like it's work and the audience really likes that because instead of it being an interview or intense, it is a conversation, nine of us know what's going to happen and so this is something I think about a fair amount and I try to apply and insofar as it's successful, I'm delighted and there's times when it's not successful and that's a shame but all we could do is do our best. Yeah, I really enjoyed that conversation with her. I was surprised by the dislikes and all that kind of stuff. Well, one of the things I always talk about is I don't care what my friends politics are. I care about if I'm having a bad day, can I call them up and ask for advice and Elizabeth has been there for me in the past and then when I do it on a camera in front of mics, people freaking out. I'm like, I'm practicing what I preach. My, the relationships are more important than someone's political views and it's not hypocrisy at all to demonstrate that and not to push back. And there was great humor there. You're both a bit of trolls in very different ways but nevertheless, that connection, the humor and the mutual respect and love that was all there, yeah, it's just fascinating. You've talked to Alex Jones a couple days ago. Sure, yeah. I haven't seen him many times before but you've had him on your podcast. This week, yeah. This week. I was kind of surprised that he mentioned that human animal hybrids was like the number, the main conspiracy that people should look into to open their eyes to the, you know, to all this, to the globalists, to all the conspiracies that are out there. Was that surprising to you? No, because I came in there with questions and I was very focused on corralling him and having it be like kind of a coherent intellectual conversation. That was a really, really good, it was only an hour but it was a very good conversation. Yeah, thank you. I, the response was overwhelmingly positive and I'm like, all right, I'm in a unique position because Alex, I met Alex, well, that's not true, but I was on Alex, with Alex on Tim Pool a couple of times. It was mayhem, it was anarchy and I'm like, all right, let me get. But the thing is what people enjoyed is I was the one who was basically able to translate Alex's ease. He's obviously very performative and a lot of times Alex will say things that are not really particularly controversial, but he'll say them in such a way that it sounds crazier than it is. You know, I think Joe's made this observation as well. So what I wanted to have him on my show is, all right, let's go through all these conspiracies which have validity, which don't. And I knew if I asked him, because he's got a lot of historical knowledge, even if you think of a lot of it's nonsensical, let's sort out the wheat from the chaff, you know, because everyone has someone crazy in them. I have this expression, you take one red pill, not the whole bottle, you take the whole bottle of red pills, you assume literally everything in the media is a lie, that's just not a coherent position to have. Is the weather a lie when they tell you that temperature is going to be wrong tomorrow? So that was fun to watch him go through that. And he felt bad because he felt incorrectly, in my opinion, that he was needlessly aggressive and disrespectful toward me on Tim. I didn't feel disrespected at all. It got heated, but I didn't take it personally. People have heated debates all the time. So I think he promised me he wouldn't interrupt and would be deferential, but that because he promised to be on his best behavior, that gave me an opportunity to address him seriously and not to bring the clown aspect out of him, which is easy to caricature him. My friend Ethan Suppley, who I'm sure people know, played basically a character based on him in The Hunt, because Alex is kind of this cartoon archetype. So it was really fun to get another side of him. And also, it's just fun being on his show, just him being bombastic and just trying to be the calm voice of reason. And for once, the trickster was Apollo. Well, I like this thing he said before. And that's what makes me the most interested in Alex is the Nietzsche quote about gazing into the abyss. I think he said on your show that he has become the abyss or something like that. I think that makes him fascinating that when you really take conspiracy theories seriously, the kind of effect it has on your mind. That to me is fascinating. Well, can I say one thing, that term conspiracy theory? If you ask any layman, look, it's like this, you say, do you like puppies? I hate them. Do you like baby dogs? Oh, they're the best, right? People, the human mind is capable of doing this. So if you ask people, do you think extremely powerful people often get together and manipulate data or rules in order to further their power and control and maintain it? I think 90 plus percent of people would be like, of course. Then you say, oh, so you believe in conspiracy theories. Oh no, that's for crazy people. Those concepts are identical. Now that term is used for people who are like, all right, there's conspiracies in government to experiment on people like Tuskegee. This is not in dispute. The CIA has unsealed things, Operation Mockingbird, so on and so forth. And at the same time, conspiracy theory applies to people who say 9 11 never happened and those are holograms. Now it's the same word for both, but these are not at all equal truth claims and they do not at all have equal evidence to them. But it's very useful for powerful people to have that term in the zeitgeist because then I don't have to explain or defend. It's like, only lunatics are going to look further on this. Do you really want to be a lunatic kid? And that takes care of the issue. Unfortunately the same problem applies, language applies to a lot of other areas. 100%, that's the nature of language, yeah. It's used not just to communicate, but to obfuscate. Obviously that could be fixed by coming up with different words to label conspiracy theories that are much more likely to be true. Yeah, like power elite analysis is another, is basically conspiracy theory. This is the black pill versus white pill question with the abyss. Do you think thinking about these things can destroy the mind, can make you deeply cynical about the world? Yeah, because if you are thinking that you are not aware of, or no one is aware of who's controlling things and that the level of their control, it gives you the sense of powerlessness and hopelessness. And my counter is the people in charge, one of the reasons I'm an anarchist, are nowhere near as smart and crafty as you think they are. And certainly maybe the ones complete in the shadow maybe are, but the ones who are in the public face most certainly are not, as social media has demonstrated, when you look at how senators and Harvard professors tweet, these are not, you know, intellects that you're in awe of, to put it mildly. So I think that kind of takes the bloom off the rose to a great extent. You mentioned that you've been doing a lot of amazing things, been truly joyful recently. But I don't know if you have a bucket list. Is there items on the bucket list you haven't done yet? Are you pretty much satisfied and happy, and if you die today, if I murder you, you'll be happy? I could die today. Is there an item on the bucket list you want to get done? I don't, yeah. Deep Sea submersible. That would be number one on the bucket list. Why? Because that's where all the most interesting zoology is. And to be in a place where like virtually no human being has been, and to see these gods mistakes and their natural environment. My friend coined that term gods mistakes. If you look at deep sea creatures, you can imagine god making some animal being like, oh god, this is hideous, I'll just throw them on the ocean, no one's gonna see this. So that would be my number one bucket list thing. I would say go to the White House as a guest would be a bucket list thing. Russia, go to Russia would be a bucket list thing. I want to go, these are secondary, like go to Eritrea would be a bucket list thing. I've got a long list of books I need to write. That's that's, I don't know if that's really a bucket list per se. There's not that much, what I'm at a point in my life is once you cross up certain things, you basically, instead of driving the car, start surfing. And just amazing thing, I talked to you about this medical thing, you know, before we started. At a certain point, and I'm sure this happens to you, because your platform is a lot bigger than mine, all sorts of things start coming your way that you never would have thought of. And you're like, this is pretty darn cool. So to be, and that's happening at an escalating rate. Like I'm at a point now where I get stopped every day by people. So that's going to be a weird thing for me to get adjusted to. Like without exception, everyone who has ever stopped me on the street has been cool. And it's been a pleasant experience. There was one exception at an event where someone was genuinely on the spectrum and they didn't understand like distance and you don't touch people and that, but that's as bad as it got. So that is something that's going to be weird for me to have to deal with over the next couple of years. But you know, it's the price you pay and it's hardly a small price when people come up to you and say you've made my life better. But it's just weird when you go and like, like I was at the gym and then someone tweets like, did I see you at the gym just now? It's kind of weird. And I'm sure it's the same for you when you're walking around and you don't think about it, but people know who you are and you don't know who they are that you're being watched. Even though it's not malevolent, it's still just, you don't get prepared for that. Michael, there were, there will be two really big names that wanted to do this podcast. We'll do this podcast that I considered to do episode 200 with. But then I realized why the hell talk to somebody famous when I could talk to somebody I love that nobody knows or cares for. You just hit a random number generator. Yeah. Just, I listed all the Russians I know and who is the easiest to get. You're the. Yeah, who's the most desperate for camera stuff. He's got a shitty book out, we can talk about that for five minutes. This garbage cut and paste that he did. Uh, it turned out okay, I think slightly above average. Michael, I love you. You're an incredible human being. It's an honor that you would talk to me and you'll be my friend. Thanks so much for doing this. Uh, the respect that I got, uh, when you asked me to be the guest for the anniversary episode was similar to the respect when my two friends, Josh and Zoe, they were going to get married at city hall and they said, we want someone to witness at the Basque. So it's one thing when people tell you they like you and respect you, which I had growing up. It's another thing when they show it. And this is something that I do not take lightly and I hope no one takes lightly. And if someone does right by you and shows you respect, going back to kind of taking out for dinner, thank them, buy them a candy bar, buy them a soda, do something to show that you don't take it for granted. Because I think what you and I both want to do is increase human kindness as much as possible. And I'm going to look at the camera, be kind to yourself, because a lot of you deserve it. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Michael Malice and thank you to Gala Games, Indeed, BetterHelp and Masterclass. Check them out in the description to support this podcast. And now let me leave you with some words from Jack Kerouac that perhaps begins to explain the nature of and the reasons for my friendship with Mr. Michael Malice. The only people for me are the mad ones, the ones who are mad to live, mad to talk, mad to be saved, desirous of everything at the same time, the ones who never yawn or say commonplace thing but burn, burn, like fabulous yellow Roman candles exploding like spiders across the stars and in the middle you see the blue center light pop and everybody goes ahhhhh. Thank you for listening and hope to see you next time. going to have the body bags and all the kids being killed and that's something that I'm not super in the rug, but no one in America thought the Vietnamese are going to come here and kill them, right? They were secure in their person. So to have that sense of we really need to win because if we don't win, we are 100% if we, they, the Russian army doesn't win, we are 100% all going to be slaughtered and often in not just a bullet to the head and in sadistic ways is something that to know that people who share my blood saw and went through is very hard for me to kind of wrap my head around. And there's no possibility to delude yourself. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Because I mean, they, they would, as the song also talks about, but that they would burn the factories. So it's basically saying we're in the war now. This is like, this is your life. Yeah. Like this is our life now. You know how you, yesterday you worried about like, oh, I misplaced my pen. Where is it? Like, it's like, yeah, this was paradise. Most of us are going to just, our life now is that most of us are going to die. And if we want to prevent all of us from dying, we, we have to fight. And we also can't sit down in some kind of weird, like, desert island or, you know, plane crash situation and be like, let's decide between us who's going to be the first to die. Maybe the like Titanic, the Titanic, right? They sat down and there were like women and children in the lifeboats. You know, they had this rational agreement. You don't have those choices in a war. So it's, it's something that I, it's, it's just very chilling and it's something I don't really have the emotional space to understand or grapple with. Even, you know, obviously I've been to North Korea, you can see it and so on and so forth. You and I can't, or anyone listening to this, except for maybe on me and people like that, you can't imagine what that's like to live it. We can't, I, we can't imagine what it's like to live in those situations where it's not like before Hitler came, everyone's, you know, dancing around and having a great time. I mean, imagine how, what that life is like where your preference to Hitler is starving and waiting on line for hours for bread and to have the secret police and your friend's attorney went and your phones are all tapped and you're a prisoner. But to you, this is infinitely better than the alternative. Like these are the choices that, you know, our family had to deal with. It's something that no matter how much you, it's like a, let me put it in terms of people can understand, you know what I mean? It's like your first bad breakup, right? Like that's a much simpler thing to wrap your head around because it's like, if you've never had it, you can't really, but when you feel it, it's just so intense, but you can't tell someone what's like, we could sit down for days and hours and have people tell us, but until it's the totality of your environment and your life and your mindset, I remember my grandma, she would talk about it like, when you're that hungry, all you're thinking about is bread because your brain won't like, you know, human beings, you know, we're evolved, we have instincts, whatever, and the mind is telling you food, food, food, food, food, and that there's kids thinking this and that they're not going to get the food. And imagine being a parent and you're watching your kids without food and knowing they're not going to get the food. And the fact that this happened in North Korea in the nineties, I met a refugee and he had to watch his dad starve to death. And thank you. And we have no concept of what it's like. I mean, we kind of, you know, it's just like last night here in Austin, all the places were closed and I couldn't get my protein powder. And this is the extent of my suffering when it comes to food, you know, or if I couldn't, there was a restaurant that I went to in Brooklyn where for some faqaqta reason, they weren't serving sashimi, they only had sushi, so I had to have the rice and the carbs. To live a life where that is the extent of your food problems as opposed to the choice is either Hitler killing you or being hungry 24 seven. You know, my grandma told this story of how they had a close call, it was her and her brother and her mom, my great grandma who passed, and I think there was like either helicopter overhead or something, and my great grandma jumped on top of my grandma's brother and not my grandma. So she basically did a Sophie's Choice, my grandma's name is Sophia, and chose the brother. And this is something that she felt, you know, all her life that her mom had chosen her brother over her. But these little things that happen, these little kind of decisions we have to make in life. Or there's a book I read called Five Chimneys, I think, this woman who was an Auschwitz survivor. And what she talked about what people don't appreciate, it's not necessarily the slaughter and the torture, it's that there's no rhyme or reason to it. Like she talked about how they had a camp just for people from Czechoslovakia, and they were treated better than the Jews, and then one day they just killed them all, right? And she's like, I still don't understand why they're giving them food and treating them well, and then the next day they're all killed, and we will never get answers, you know. And things like she talks about how they decided to kill all the kids, and they didn't really either for some reason they didn't have the courage to or they wanted to be cruel, so instead of shooting them, they just kept walking them in the snow until they all died. So it's things like this, that the fact that you and I dodged these bullets, and that we can be here and be doing this and, you know, running our mouths for a living, I think about it all the time, and it's just very disturbing to know, and I know you know this as well, that there's lots of places on earth where if people had a choice, they would kill us on sight and be proud of themselves for it. Yeah, there, I don't know what to make of the contrast, you were talking about the fact that you've been truly happy the last few weeks and months, there's been a lot of moments of happiness and joy, and that joy is built on a history of human suffering. Like in your roots, in your blood, is a lot of people that were tortured that suffered, so that you could have this joy, and you have both the, you have the responsibility to truly be grateful for that joy. But it also shows that there's the happy ending, that it does end, and a good note that it does get infinitely, infinitely better. And that I think there's a, I don't like using the word responsibility, but there is an opportunity for those of us who did dodge that bullet, to give testimony to these people. And more importantly, to give testimony to the people who are going through this now. So one of the reasons I talk about North Korea so much, why I wrote Dear Reader, is because it's very easy, and this is human nature, I'm not condemning people, I think that's just how people are wired. When you see an Asian country with Asian people, and things are bad over there, I think in the West it's like, oh, Asia, they're all crazy, they're wacky, they eat dogs or so on and so forth, some weird stereotype, and they think of them as kind of Martians. So it's important for people who aren't of that kind of ancestry to kind of speak on behalf of these people, because it's very different how just people just naturally react when you have a Westerner talking about this. Instead of it becoming them over there, it becomes, you know, this could have been us very easily. I have a friend, Peter Vahansky, great dude, and I was showing him photos when I was in Pyongyang, and he goes, this looks like a Russian city with Asian people. It completely disturbed him. So that was one of the reasons I did go to North Korea, because that was as close as I would get to see what your family went through, to see what my family went through, and they're still living under this regime. And one of the things I fought very hard to do with Dear Reader, which I was successful in amazingly, and I said, I could die now. I feel like if you just move the needle a little bit, then you've kind of paid your due for your time here on this earth, to have it change from being a laughing stock. And I think Team America did a good job. They made Kim Jong Il into a clown and they made a joke of it, but you're going from nothing to joke. So at least now people are aware of it that it exists, right? And then I and many others took it from a joke to like, guys, this is really, really, really bad, and none of us can even appreciate how bad it is. And I think now there is an understanding, other than a few people who are just looking at it through a Trump lens and wanting Trump to fail because Trump's an asshole and that's fine, to be like these poor people. And it's really unfortunate because there's a segment of Western culture who thinks that correctly, often when you're complaining about or discussing the plight of another country, that's just your prelude to war and an excuse to invade. Like the Kurds in Syria, you know, we're talked about, if we don't in Syria tomorrow, it's going to be another genocide, blah, blah. I'm not saying let's invade North Korea and things like that. All I'm saying is, you know, thank God that this isn't your life. I bring this up all the time. The woman who was my guide when I was there, I'm aware of what she's up to now. She's extremely rich by North Korean standards, but she'll never be in a position to buy medicine. She'll never be in a position to go on a vacation. Things that you and I just, you know, whatever, she can't go on the internet. She can't get an encyclopedia. She can't better herself as a person other than through what the state allows and meaning better yourself as a person in service to the state. So I mean, it's also frustrating because there's only so much that I can do as an individual. What's your takeaway about human nature from looking at North Korea and looking at how the rest of the world is looking at North Korea? This is a great question. I think about it fairly often. I always say human beings are animals, right? When you say someone's an animal, it's like a slur, like he's like a beast. Animals are capable of enormous kindness, empathy, sympathy. You know, they look out for one another, groom one another. There's a thing with apes where they groom each other for parasites and even if there are no parasites, they pretend there's parasites just to have that kind of bonding. You see infinite photos online of like cats raising puppies because the puppies, mom died, things like this. That's part of being an animal. Part of being an animal is also just the most monstrous cruelty. Killer whales, you know, there's this big PC move to not call them killer whales and just call them orcas. They will murder blue whale pups, calves, excuse me, and play with them and not even eat them. So they just murder for the sake of fun. Even cats, you know, kill birds all the time, things like this. So it runs the whole gamut. And I think it's, you know, when Yaron and I were on your show, I don't think Lord of the Flies is accurate. I don't think Hobbs is how reality works when you're in that kind of state. But I think we've seen countless examples of human beings, especially when human beings have power over someone who's powerless, of allowing themselves to engage in not just harm, but cruelty. And that is something as Soviets, you and I are very painfully aware of. It's not just about the oppression, which as bad enough as it is, it's that mediocre person with that little bit of power. And now they're standing between you and your daughter having medicine, and they love it to make you dance, to be like, oh, you need me to get this medicine? Make you go through hoops? Because now they feel like for the first time in their life, they're in a position of strength and power. I think that is, in many ways, the more common nature of evil that what Hannah Arendt talks about the banality of evil, then someone who's like an SS guard, you're shooting someone in the head. Like that, I think we could all wrap our heads around to some extent, like, okay, I'm a military. It's not easy. I have to execute people pulling a trigger, you could kind of have this mental disconnect between the finger and the victim. But like that little day to day stuff, like, are you doing the right thing on a day to day basis that I think is far more common, and far more disturbing aspect in certain senses of the human psyche. Yeah, there's something especially disturbing about a weak man, given power, and just abusing that power. There's something about not just weak, but like, mediocre at everything it does, or less than mediocre. A great example of this, which I'm also talking about in the next book is Ceausescu, who was the dictator of Romania. So you know, the Cold War is still somewhat poorly understood in, you know, popular culture. But the different countries in the second world, the Soviet bloc, some are more liberal than others, some are more sane than others. And Ceausescu, at first was one of the, you know, more Western friendly, more the free ones. Then he met the great leader Kim Il Sung from North Korea, and he had the idea to impose a personality cult on Romania, and it's the kind of things like forcing people to breed because he wanted to make people taller. I think he made like the biggest building in all of Europe, the People's Palace, but it was just for him, while there's no electricity, you know, elsewhere. But you look at this guy, you know, Stalin's a badass, right? He was a bank robber. If you look at photos of him as a kid, he was a hunk. Lenin was clearly intellectual. These were powerful Trotsky, these were powerful men with huge egos, huge force of personality. But you look at this Ceausescu guy, and you could, like for example, on my driver's license, instead of my address, I'm not giving my real address, being like 1, 2, 3, 4, 5th Avenue, by mistake it says 1, 2, 3, 4, 5th Street, right? So you can imagine him being in the post office and me giving him my ID to get my package and him being baffled because this says street, this says Avenue instead of understanding. And this, the look on his face, this dullard, that you can see how, you know how sometimes I'm going to, can I curse? Fuck yes. Yeah. So if you know, like how if you're in the airport and you see someone and you look at them and an adult and you think, okay, this person was born fucked up, just like on sight, like something's wrong with them. How are they traveling alone? You look at Ceausescu, you look at him, you're like, something's not right with this guy. Not in the sense of like evil, but in the sense of he's a simpleton, right? And now he's in charge of this whole country and everyone's taught to regard him as one of the great geniuses of all time. And it's this, the idea, this mediocre nobody, this guy would have in any other culture been accomplished nothing or would have had an honest job where he's like, okay, he works at the mail service and he's bad at it, okay, fine, he's not hurting anyone. And now as a result of this, he's responsible for mass death, secret police, and incarceration. And you know, one of the greatest things I've ever seen, which I'm sure many people see as well, if you go on YouTube, it's his speech, and it's the first time the crowd turns and his head kind of like, because they start booing him, which was unheard of. And he was shot with his dog faced wife not that long after, it was just a great moment. But it's things like this, I agree with you, that mediocre, weak person is now in a position of power over somebody else. And that sense of vindictiveness, like I'm going to feel strong for once in my life, but it's going to be at your expense. That I think is, you know, human nature, it's most primal. And every time I meet a person in this world, you're the first person to get me to cry on a fucking podcast. Fucking the robot gets me to cry. What the fuck is going on? Every time I meet a weird person, somebody, to me, heroism is also taking a risk to rebel against mediocrity. Like in the most simplest of ways, like the license address, like taking a risk to break the little bit of rule that nobody will know about, to take that little bit of a leap of like that little protest against the bureaucracy. Like that Nazi guard where he just spoke out, he's like, hey lady. That's a big one. Oh, that's a big, sure. I mean, like literally at the line at Starbucks or something like that. Like even in the tiniest of ways, when I see people just like, it's almost like that little like glimmer in their eye, a wink, like we're in this together, there's all this conformity all around us. That's at a different time could have been Nazi Germany, could have been a Stalinist Soviet union. Sure. We're in this together. We're going to rebel against that conformity by just taking the risk, that little bit of risk against mediocrity. I don't know. And then once again, I see this in companies too. When I see the mediocrity, I see this, I used to work at Google, I see it in Google and when the companies grow, that mediocrity is overwhelming. The Peter principle, right? The Peter principle. Yeah. My hope is that all of us have the possibility for that glimmer, that risk taking, the leap of faith, whatever the heck that is, the leap out of the ordinary, out of the conformity, out of the mediocrity. So this is where you and I disagree. I think most, a lot of people are not capable of that. They're accustomed to it. I don't know if they're not capable. I understand your position. I'm disagreeing with it. I'm saying I do not think they're capable. I think a lot of people effectively don't have souls. They do not have a conscience in this sense where they're going to look at an issue, bring their critical thinking and say, all right, I am going to do the right thing, although I'm taking a risk. Do you think thinking is involved or is it just taking that leap? There's something about that basic human spirit. Forget the thinking part. It's just saying, I'll take that risk, taking that adventure, the same thing that got people to explore the seas throughout human civilization, explore land, explore the oceans, that exploration. We've done stuff this way all this time. I'm going to take a leap and that comes out of nowhere seemingly. But those people are the heroes, but I don't think that's universal. I'm going to use a very gauche example. There was a show called Scare Tactics, which was basically a candid camera, but they would scare people. They'd have vampires, whatever, a hidden camera and people's reactions. Sometimes the prank didn't work out like they expected. There was one where they were hiring the people who were the marks, the contestants so to speak, was hired to be a security guard. You have to watch this factory overnight and you get paid. But the setup was some people were breaking out of the factory in the middle of the night like in rags and they were saying they were keeping us prisoner here, blah, blah, and just watch the person reaction to this. There was one security guard where he basically forced them back into the building and they're working us 24 seven, we're getting beaten. He's like, I'm here to do a job, get back in there. You watch this and it never even enters his head to be like, something's wrong here. He was given his orders, he's following his orders and to me, that is not uncommon and that person, although they look like you and I, there's something essentially human missing with them. Now, very quickly, the reaction is, well, it's one step from there to Nazism. I don't think it's something that, I'm not saying this person should be killed, but I'm just saying to expect that every human being has the capacity to have that defiance, especially at a cost to their own life, that I think is not realistic. But at the same time, I feel like an octopus on the eighth hand, it is those few of us, or if you want to include me in this, who do make these tiny little protests, who look the other way when someone is hungry, who's stealing food from the supermarket, right? It's like, all right, I'm going to pretend I didn't see anything. Those little elements of heroism are what move humanity forward and demonstrate the validity of the human experience, whereas everyone else is kind of like scenery. I think almost everybody in the world can derive deep meaning and pleasure from having done those courageous acts, and I also think they have the capacity to do them, to discover that meaning and happiness. So you're the cynic, then why aren't they doing it? They haven't gotten a chance to, like I've never tried LSD or DMT, you haven't gotten the chance to try this amazing journey, which is taking the risk. That's nonsense, because as you just said two minutes ago, everyone has that chance every day to do the right thing. We have the chance to do a lot of things and we don't realize. There's a lot of stuff right in front of our nose that we don't realize, because you have to kind of wake up to it. Sometimes you need the catalyst, there needs to be some kind of thing that happens that wakes you up. The fact that most people don't take the small acts of rebellion doesn't mean they don't have the capacity to both do so and to derive a lot of meaning from it. Then it's a discussion about how to create societies that get more and more people to be free actors and free thinkers. That's the question. That probably leads us into a discussion of anarchism and so on, but I just think we are very young as a species. We're trying to figure out how to get ourselves to first be collaborative, but at the same time be free spirits. I think both of those are within human nature for most of us. I think another big concern is that there's enormous disincentives, and this is Michael Malus speaking, for human beings to be kind and for tenderness. I think, especially when you're young, you know what I mean, when you're immature, a lot of times someone will reach out to you with kindness or vulnerability and you think it's funny to kind of dunk their head in the water in a pool or something like that. When you get older, there's this one example of this. This was in the 90s, and there was a woman. She became a stripper or something like that or whatever it was, but she had this amazing body. She was just gorgeous. The show was, she was talking about how when she was in high school, she was bullied a lot and that there was this football player. He messed with her every single day. One day, she even threw pickles in her hair and her hair smelled like pickles and it was laughing at her. This really screwed her up, I mean, up to that show. They took her backstage and they brought out the football player, and now he's a dad and a regular dude. He's like, do you know why you're here, and he's like, no, and they're like, oh, what were you like in high school? He's like, I was kind of a jock, bully, whatever. They brought her out, and he didn't even remember her really, and she just starts crying about the pickles and whatever, and this is something that affected her for 20 years, and I've never seen a clearer example of someone who wanted to kill themselves than this guy. The guilt on his face, and he's looking at her, and he's desperate to be like, what can I do to take your pain away, to make it better? He was just crippled by it because he knew there's nothing he could do. He knew he 100% did the wrong thing. He knew he did the wrong thing unthinkingly. You can imagine, I got to screw over this lady to feed my family, that's fine. At the time, it meant nothing to him, so of course he didn't remember, and he was just paralyzed by this sense of crippling guilt. One of the reasons I always try to do the right thing isn't because I'm an inherently good person, which I do not think I am, I don't think anyone is inherently good, but because I will feel guilty about it for a very, very long time because if you do the wrong thing, this is a very Camus idea, if you do the wrong thing to a good person, that's really, really bad because what kind of person are you? In the same way that everyone can be that guy who takes someone out for their birthday, everyone has that ability for someone who did the wrong thing to someone who's a normal person and do you want to be that guy as well? My friend, Bittstein, he's a big Bitcoin person, my biography ego in hubris is like $500 now on eBay, it's hard to find, came out in 2006. He had told me that you can get it on torrent, it's downloadable, and I'm like, oh, I thought if you're my friend, you'd want to buy it. At the time, it was not $500, I assure you, and he goes, I did buy it, I'm just telling you that you could also get it for free, this information that you might want to use. And I snapped at this kid who was doing right by me and I felt, it just stuck in my head, I'm like, you're an ass. And then years later, I apologize, he had no memory of this at all and I'm glad to be able to reiterate the apology again. But a lot of times I'm extremely aggressive on Twitter and in other venues, I always try to and maybe I fail and that's my moral failing, always do it as a counter attack. If you're going to start going personal, if you're going to start being aggressive against an individual, I'm not going to necessarily hold back when I reciprocate. And it's something that is very common on social media, but I don't think it is normal. Just because a lot of this, you're talking about the quiet little rebellion, just because everyone else around you thinks it's okay to just go up to people and attack them in the most personal ways, impromptu because of their views, really just take a step back and realize what you're engaging with. Now, if that's the fight they want, then my Soviet cruelty could come out and that's kind of why I don't drink because I do enjoy it, but at the same time, be aware of what you're doing. And again, this goes back to Camus's sense that conscience really is what makes us human beings. That's the thing I was saying, I don't think most people think in terms of conscience. They don't think it, we are taught, this is that creeping cynicism that, oh, grow up. When you're an adult, you have to make sacrifices, blah, blah, blah. And even if I buy that for a second, which I don't, but if I have to make sacrifices sometimes, that doesn't mean it's okay for me to make a sacrifice of my values in this moment. If I have to maybe be at work and my boss is a jerk to me and calls me names, I have to be humiliated, but I got to put food on the plate. That doesn't mean it's okay later if I'm at a party and I'm just extremely offensive to someone for no reason. My own flavor of a little bit of rebellion. Sometimes I use the number two. You know, you're very witty on Twitter and Twitter likes mockery and wit and a counter attack is, Twitter loves that, somebody who's skilled at it. My own flavor of a bit of rebellion is to say things very simply, bordering on cliche with authenticity and like genuinely meaning the words I say, but knowing that those words would be, are easy to attack. And that sometimes those attacks can hurt because people would just mock me. People don't like earnestness because they've been taught to be too cool for school. So there's this pressure for me to be sound way more sophisticated. Use bigger words, sometimes throw in a criticism of institutions or something like that, almost as if I have a deep wisdom about the way the world is broken. But when you speak very simply about beautiful things in life, it's very easy to sound like you don't know what the hell you're talking about. And I kind of, I stick by that. I don't know where that's going to end up, but it's like the idiot from Dostoevsky. It feels like that's the right thing, even if it hurts when I'm attacked for it.

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