第 335 期·中文精讀

菲奧娜·希爾:弗拉基米爾·普京與唐納德·特朗普

Fiona Hill: Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump

前白宮俄羅斯事務顧問分析普京的決策邏輯與特朗普時期的對俄政策走向。

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1965年,英格蘭東北部達勒姆郡的一座煤礦小鎮,一個十四歲就下井的男人看著剛出生的女兒,往後十幾年反覆對她說同一句話:這裡沒有你的前途。

五十四年後,這個女兒坐在華盛頓的聽證席上,頭銜是美國總統的俄羅斯與歐洲事務首席顧問。她叫菲奧娜·希爾(Fiona Hill)。2019年那場彈劾調查的直播,讓全世界記住了這張臉,也記住了那口英格蘭東北口音。

她的回憶錄取名《這裡沒有你的前途》(There's Nothing for You Here)。這句話聽著像控訴,實際上是那位父親能給出的最貴的東西:他把自己撞過的牆提前指給女兒看,讓她不必再撞一遍。

父親十四歲下井,祖父十三歲,曾祖父十二歲

希爾講家族史時語速很平,像在報賬。父親十四歲下煤礦,祖父十三歲,再上一輩十二三歲就下去了。沒有人讀到中學畢業,因為整條街的預期都寫在牆上:你遲早要下井,和你家裡的每一個人一樣。

她出生的1965年,英國煤炭業已經在往下滑。父親幹過的每一座礦都在關,他只好一次次找活,可他手裡沒有一張文憑。鋼廠沒幹長,磚廠倒閉,最後進了國民保健署系統的本地醫院,做搬運病人的雜工。想重新培訓,沒有門路。

所以希爾家的飯桌上只有一個正經話題:教育。世界在變,而且變得很快,要跟上就得讀書,就得拿到某種資格,然後想辦法離開。在一個產業整體退場的地方,教育是唯一還開著的出口。

她還提到一個和直覺相反的細節:女孩身份在這戶人家裡是加分項。沒人指望她進工廠,所以沒人攔她讀書。母親十六歲離校去學護理,後來做了助產士,家裡人把護理當成一份正經職業來看。表親裡有人做了本地學校的老師。女孩受教育,在這個家族裡有先例可循。

這也解釋了她後來對“教育”這個詞的理解。在她那裡,讀書從來與修養、趣味、階層裝飾無關,它是一張通行證,用途明確:換一個能活下去的地方。她小時候想要的東西都很具體,護士服、獸醫的手、一臺翻譯耳機,每一樣都對應著一個能領工資的崗位。

她一度想當獸醫,直到看見一隻手卡在牛屁股裡

和很多工人家庭的孩子一樣,她的職業想象是一路試出來的。她有一套叫《護士南希》的小雜誌,穿著小護士服到處走。家在半鄉村地帶,她常泡在田裡看農夫和牲口,看獸醫出診。當地有位叫詹姆斯·赫里奧特(James Herriot)的獸醫很有名,後來在美國也拍成了電視劇,他寫過書,還給她一位姑婆的狗看過病,家裡人常提起他。她一度認定自己可以當獸醫。

然後有一天,她看見一位本地獸醫在田裡給牛做檢查,整條手臂伸進牛的後半身,手被卡住,牛在踢他。她當場改了主意。

十四歲那年,本地的下議院議員來學校做了一場勵志演講。那人是苦出身,靠教育一路讀到牛津,學的是哲學、政治與經濟。他對著一群幾乎不可能進精英學校的孩子說,你們可以受教育,出身不必成為限制,但教育是一種特權,拿到它就得拿它去做點什麼。

這個說法和她家裡的說法完全對得上,於是問題變成了:做什麼。她身邊沒有多少“職業”可供參照,父親有的是工作,一份接一份,談不上職業。母親的護理倒是真正的職業,每天在產房裡幫女人活過生產這一關。母親還把護理教材留在家裡,飯桌上講的都是臀位難產、瘻管之類的事,她和姐姐聽得直求母親停下。她據此判斷,這條路自己走不了。

1983年,她被預告了核戰爭的必然性

真正把事情定下來的,是時間點。她讀書時,達勒姆郡雖然去工業化得厲害、地方政府系統也垮了大半,教育的錢還在,對外交流的錢也還在。當地和德國、法國的城市有交換專案,和蘇聯也有,對方是一座叫科斯特羅馬的舊紡織城,在雅羅斯拉夫爾附近。

科斯特羅娧這個地名有講究。它是羅曼諾夫王朝最早的發源地,在俄國歷史上地位不低。達勒姆郡在英國的履歷也一樣體面。兩座隔著幾千公里的老工業區被一條交換生通道連起來,這件事本身就很能說明她後來反覆強調的觀點:很多地方的歷史是互相咬合的。

她學德語,學法語,也學俄語。真正讓她下決心的是1983年。那一年,北約在西歐部署新一類中程核武器,蘇聯在東歐部署SS-20,從1977年她十一二歲起,這場歐洲導彈危機就一直懸在頭上。1983年,蘇聯把北約一場代號“優秀射手”(Able Archer)的演習讀成了實戰準備,懷疑美國在為第一次核打擊鋪路,整套預警與指揮鏈條被牽動起來。這些內情她當時並不知道,是多年後才弄明白的,但空氣裡的緊繃她記得很清楚。

一個十幾歲的孩子,日常功課之一是為人類文明的終結做準備。英國和美國那幾年拍了一批核戰題材的影視作品,《執行緒》(Threads)、《第二天》(The Day After),配上政府發的公共告示:聽到警報,找一個沒有窗戶的房間躲進去。

“我家的房子特別小,根本沒有一間沒有窗戶的房間。我爸在窗戶上掛了特別厚的窗簾,說如果看到核閃光,就趴在地上,別抬頭,窗簾能起點作用。”(菲奧娜·希爾)

她和家人還認真試過能不能全部擠進樓梯底下的儲物櫃,就是《哈利·波特》住的那種地方。方案本身荒唐到這個程度,一家人還是照著做了。恐懼會讓人接受任何形式的儀式,哪怕儀式的內容只是把窗簾加厚一點。

叔公查理:去學俄語,弄明白他們為什麼想炸死我們

家裡有位參加過二戰的長輩,查理叔公。他對希爾說,你語言天分不錯,去學俄語,搞清楚俄國人為什麼想炸死我們,去跟他們談。

“你語言天分不錯,菲奧娜。為什麼不去學俄語,試著弄明白,弄明白俄國人為什麼想炸死我們。”(希爾回憶叔公查理的話)

這句話裡埋著一層當時很多英國人已經忘掉的記憶:二戰期間,英國、美國、蘇聯是並肩的盟友。查理覺得,一定是哪裡出了岔子才會走到今天,那麼總要有人去把它弄明白。

希爾接下了這個任務,給自己設定的未來相當具體:坐在某個軍控峰會的翻譯間裡,戴著大耳機,把耳機裡的話一句句譯出來。一個礦區女孩對世界的想象,是從一臺耳機開始的。

這個目標不大,也不浪漫,卻很鋒利,因為它指向一個能進入對方頭腦的位置。她後來所有的學術訓練和政治任命,都能追溯到這個樸素的設想:先聽懂對方在說什麼,再談別的。

第一筆俄語學費,來自頓巴斯礦工的匯款

會想和能做之間隔著錢。她所在地區開俄語的學校沒幾所,她得從零開始,先上一個暑期強化班,而她付不起學費。

那是1984年,英國礦工大罷工。達勒姆郡的礦工和頓巴斯的礦工之間有一種外人很少知道的聯絡,能追溯到1920年代:正式的工會互訪、團結匯款、技術交流。1984年罷工期間,頓巴斯的礦工,還有德國魯爾區、波蘭的礦工,都給達勒姆的礦工寄過錢。

查理叔公告訴她,礦工子弟和前礦工子女有一筆教育補助,去雷德希爾斯(Red Hills)的礦工禮堂申請。那棟樓是達勒姆礦工自己湊錢蓋的,他們在裡面開會、商量怎麼改善本社群的福利,也辦講座、資助球隊和寫作小組。喬治·奧威爾當年在英國別的礦區參與過類似的工人寫作圈子。

她帶著父親去了。工作人員翻出一張張登記卡核對父親的下礦記錄,然後問她需要多少錢,夠路費和基本開銷就行,當場開支票。

“多虧了頓巴斯的礦工,多虧那筆存在達勒姆礦工協會的錢,我拿到了平生第一筆學俄語的學費。”(菲奧娜·希爾)

這個細節值得停一下。三十多年後,頓巴斯成了歐洲最慘烈的戰場。而在1984年,那片土地上的礦工寄出的錢,資助了一個英格蘭北部女孩去學俄語,這個女孩後來成了美國總統處理俄羅斯問題的首席顧問。歷史的因果鏈有時會拉得極長,長到當事人自己都看不見全貌。

還有一層更細的意思。這筆錢是礦工工會自己攢的,設了章程,留了檔案,能查、能申請、能給。一個被產業拋棄的社群,仍然有能力給自己人發獎學金。這種民間制度的厚度,是希爾後來觀察各國社會時一直在用的尺子。

休斯夫卡:一條被遺忘的工業血管

希爾讀蘇聯史時,發現紐卡斯爾和頓巴斯之間連著一整套管網。頓涅茨克原來叫休斯夫卡(Hughesovka),因為那是一座威爾士實業家約翰·休斯帶著威爾士礦工去建起來的城市,煤和鋼一起搞。英格蘭東北的工業區和頓巴斯差不多在同一時期、常常由同一批工業家開發。早年蘇聯有位作家扎米亞京(Yevgeny Zamyatin)在泰恩河畔的船廠幹過活。

她由此形成了一套看地圖的方法:不按首都看,按產業看。她老家是工業革命的搖籃,用她的話說,是那個時代的矽谷。人從威爾士來,從蘇格蘭來,從愛爾蘭來,從英格蘭中部和南部來,混在一起。頓巴斯也是人來人往,真正的“本地人”可能是幾百年前山裡的農戶。

講什麼語言取決於祖上從哪兒來。貝爾法斯特、阿爾斯特、威爾士的礦工裡,很多人的第一語言是威爾士語或愛爾蘭語,英語只是通用語。

“當外面有人試圖把一種身份強加給你的時候,事情就出問題了。我認為頓巴斯發生的正是這個。”(菲奧娜·希爾)

俄羅斯方面的邏輯是:那裡大多數人講俄語,所以那裡屬於俄羅斯。希爾用自己的家鄉反駁這個邏輯:她老家的通用語是英語,可那裡同樣有大批講威爾士語、愛爾蘭語的人,他們照樣長出了自己的身份,和鄰居不同。

這條線拉長看,解釋的不只是頓巴斯。它也解釋了蘇聯為什麼會散,解釋了今天美國政治裡那些看起來莫名其妙的敵意。身份一旦被外部定義、被當成動員工具,它就能蓋過語言、宗教、經濟利益這些更實在的紐帶。

1987年的莫斯科:超級大國在漏氣

1987年9月,希爾作為交換生到了莫斯科,進了一所翻譯學院。她抵達前後幾周,戈爾巴喬夫和里根簽署《中導條約》,她整個青少年時代那場歐洲導彈危機,在她落地的那一刻正式收尾。

那也是改革(perestroika)的高點。她因此拿到此前交換生想都不敢想的旅行許可,去了高加索、中亞,最遠到了哈巴羅夫斯克。1988年正逢羅斯受洗一千年(988年),東正教會從被壓制的狀態裡走出來,作為社會組織參與公共討論。這件事她完全沒料到會親眼看到,而三十多年後,它成了普京敘事的核心材料之一。

莫斯科也是她住過的第一座大城市。第一次進歌劇院就在大劇院,第一次看芭蕾也在那裡。她在礦區長大,家裡給她報過青年樂團和合唱團,古典文化離她很遠。

然後是另一面。她原本對這座核超級大國的首都心懷畏懼,落地之後,那種壓了多年的重量反而消失了。

“我一到那兒,我十幾年來一直揹著的那塊大石頭,好像一下子就不見了。因為那裡就是些普通人,在普通的地方,過得並不怎麼好。”(菲奧娜·希爾)

這句話裡有她做判斷的方式:先看普通人的日子過得怎麼樣,再看這個國家的宣言說了什麼。兩者的落差,比任何情報評估都更能說明一個體制的健康狀況。

一家靴子店,全店只有一種尺碼

她住處旁邊有家匈牙利靴子店。她想買雙新靴子,進去發現全店的靴子都是同一個尺碼、同一個顏色,而且全是女靴,一雙男靴都沒有。生產計劃按尺碼定額下達,供應端和需求端早就脫了鉤。

這就是蘇聯人說的短缺時期。商店理論上該賣靴子,實際只有一種靴子。她住的那片街區,街上裂開過大坑,樓房陽臺整塊掉下來。城市在物理層面上一塊塊往下掉,事故一件接一件。

把這個畫面和她老家並排放,會看到兩種完全不同的壞法。英格蘭東北部的商店關著門,因為大家失業了、沒錢買東西。她記得1984年自己離家上大學那年,青年失業率到了九成,一些鎮子的男性失業率到五成,鋼廠關了,鐵路車輛廠也關了。莫斯科人手裡有錢,貨架上卻什麼都沒有。一邊是需求塌了,一邊是供給瞎了,落到普通人眼前的景象,都是空蕩蕩的街道。

她同時強調,蘇聯社會那股活力、那種對未來的期待是真實的。她只是同時看見了另一件事:這個國家已經找不到自己的路。

戈爾巴喬夫點燃的辯論,最後燒掉了整個國家

她離開莫斯科一年多後,蘇聯解體了。那時她已經在哈佛讀蘇聯研究。她特別糾正了一個流行說法:用“崩塌”形容蘇聯的結局會誤導人,它更接近被拆開。

戈爾巴喬夫點燃了太多場關於怎麼改、往哪改的辯論,精英層內部吵成一團,誰也說服不了誰,邊緣地帶和普通民眾對體制的信心同時流失。1991年,俄羅斯、烏克蘭、白俄羅斯三個加盟共和國的領導人坐在一起簽了檔案,把中心的戈爾巴喬夫架空。

她推薦倫敦政經學院教授弗拉季斯拉夫·祖博克(Vladislav Zubok)的《崩潰》(Collapse)。作者和她年紀相仿,來自前蘇聯,書裡把這件事寫得很冷:一群精英決定把國家拆了。

這裡有個容易被忽略的對比。她在蘇聯各地旅行時,沒感到任何人希望國家消失。民間的黏合力還在,動手的是上層。一個龐大共同體的存亡,有時取決於幾十個人在會議室裡的算計,而不取決於幾億人的意願。

這段經驗後來被她帶回了美國。她注意到美國當下也出現了類似的精英撕裂,有人形容這是各州之間的“軟分離”,紅州藍州各走各的,全國性政治壓到地方政治頭上。她1989年初到美國時,幾乎不知道身邊人的黨派歸屬,也很少知道他們的宗教信仰,地方、階層、地域這些東西的存在感比現在弱得多。

她不認為美國會照著蘇聯的劇本走。蘇聯那套結構裡,三個共和國的一把手湊在一起就能把中心拿掉,美國沒有這種機關。她在德州待的時間很多,那裡喊獨立的聲音最響,可真去問普通選民,願意脫離聯邦的是極少數。抱怨政府和想拆掉國家,是兩件完全不同的事。人們罵天氣,不代表想搬去另一個星球。

“非黨派”是一種工作方法

希爾先後為布什、奧巴馬、特朗普三屆政府工作,專業方向一直是歐亞大陸和俄羅斯。2019年她在彈劾調查中作證時說,她為自己是一名非黨派的外交政策專家而自豪。

她給這個詞下了很實在的定義:分析任何事之前,先保證不把意識形態的鏡片架上去;同時也不站到任何一黨那邊。

“這意味著非常小心,不要給任何我在分析、觀察或談論的外交政策套上意識形態的鏡片,也不站在這一黨或那一黨一邊。”(菲奧娜·希爾)

她還說,美國政治對她一直有點難懂,因為民主黨和共和黨都是很大的帳篷,聯盟拼裝得很雜。相比之下,歐洲的政黨有過清晰綱領,英國在二十世紀發展出真正的群眾性政黨,一看就知道它代表誰、要幹什麼。美國兩黨的邊界反而模糊,外人不容易摸到門道。

在一個外交政策越來越容易被國內黨派鬥爭吞掉的環境裡,這句話聽著像職業操守,實際上是一種稀缺能力。她的判斷之所以在三個立場迥異的政府裡都被需要,原因不復雜:她提供的是地形圖。旗幟不在她的工作範圍裡。

她帶走的三個判斷

整場對話裡,希爾反覆回到幾個親歷過的轉折點。單看都是個人故事,串起來能拼出一套判斷世界的方法。

第一,一個地方的經濟結構會塑造那裡的人怎麼看世界。她從小看到的是一整套國有化工業:英國鋼鐵、英國煤炭、英國鐵路、英國造船,二戰後私營部門垮了,國家必須接手。她1987年到蘇聯,發現那裡的人神態、談吐、對工作的態度和她老家的人幾乎一樣,大家都為別人幹活,幾乎不為自己幹活,這種處境會扭曲一個人看世界的方式。

第二,宏大敘事底下往往是極具體的匱乏。核戰爭的準備是窗簾和樓梯櫃,超級大國的首都是同一尺碼的靴子和掉下來的陽臺,帝國的終結是三個人在一間屋裡簽字。

第三,精英的算計和普通人是否願意,經常是兩碼事。她在蘇聯各地旅行時沒遇到任何希望國家消失的人,蘇聯是被上層拆掉的。美國當下也有這種上層撕扯的風險,底層的黏合力仍然在。

順便說一句,她的俄語到今天還能用。訪談裡兩人直接切進俄語聊了幾句,她隨後調侃,這一段對絕大多數聽眾來說會是個謎。語言在她那裡始終是工具,是1983年那個怕核彈的少女給自己找到的通道,通向另一個人腦子裡正在想的事。

可以照著做的幾件事

希爾的故事沒提供捷徑,只提供了幾條能落地的動作。

  • 把“這裡沒有你的前途”當成資訊處理,別當成判決。說這句話的人往往比任何勵志演講都更瞭解腳下的地形,聽完之後要做的是去查地圖。
  • 查一查所在城市或家鄉的產業史。礦井、鋼廠、船廠、紡織廠什麼時候建起來,人從哪兒來,又往哪兒去。希爾理解頓巴斯的起點,是礦工禮堂裡的一張就業登記卡。
  • 學一門和日常完全無關的語言。它在簡歷上幾乎沒有用處,真正的作用是繞開二手敘述,直接聽懂對方在說什麼。
  • 看新聞時先問一句:這條判斷裡有沒有夾帶意識形態的鏡片。非黨派在這裡的意思與中立無關,它指的是先把立場放下,把地形看清,再決定站哪兒。
  • 讀她的回憶錄《這裡沒有你的前途》,再讀祖博克的《崩潰》。前者講一個人怎麼從礦區走出來,後者講一個國家怎麼被上層拆掉,兩本放在一起讀,對結構和個人的關係會有更具體的感受。
  • 討論身份問題時,留意是誰在定義誰。一個身份若由外部強加,而非當地人在長期生活裡自己長出來,它多半正在被當成工具使用。
  • 記住那兩個空蕩的商店。判斷一場危機時,先分清它屬於需求塌了還是供給瞎了,兩種病要用完全不同的藥。
文稿由本站用語音識別模型(基於官方釋出音訊)機器轉寫,可能有識別錯誤,人名與數字請以音訊為準。
Lex Fridman Podcast #335 – Fiona Hill: Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump Machine transcription by Qwen3-ASR 0.6B (MLX, local, Apache-2.0). May contain recognition errors. The following is a conversation with Fiona Hill, a presidential advisor and foreign policy expert specializing in Russia. She has served the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations, including being a top advisor on Russia to Donald Trump. She has made it to the White House from humble beginnings in the north of England, a story she tells in her book, "There's nothing for you here." And now a quick second mention of each sponsor. Check them out in the description. It's the best way to support this podcast. We got Mizanameen for style, calm for meditation, Athletic Greens for multivitamins and happiness, and Element for electrolytes and also happiness. Choose wisely, my friends. And now on to the full ad reads. As always, no ads in the middle. I try to make these interesting, but if you skip them, please still check out our sponsors. I enjoy their stuff. They bring me happiness, and maybe they will bring happiness to you as well. This show is brought to you by Mizanameen. I'm wearing a Mizanameen shirt right now. They make comfortable stylish. I'm not sure why there was an increase in intonation. Maybe I've been spending a little too much time in San Francisco recently. Just kidding, friends. Just kidding. The maker of comfortable stylish dress shirts is what Mizanameen is. I just have their black dress shirts. They have a bunch of stylish ones, but you know, minimalism, simplicity sets my soul ablaze. It feels like an expression that nobody says anymore, or maybe ever said ever. The way it fits, the way it feels, it's breathable, it's lightweight, it just feels great. My favorite dress shirt that I've ever worn. So when I'm not wearing a suit and tie, and I'm not wearing a T-shirt, like the the in between is usually a black dress shirt and. Which I've done for many, many, many years, and when I discovered Mizanameen, that was just like an upgrade physically and spiritually. Right now, you can get a special discount. Just go to Mizanameen dot com and use promo code Lex. This show is also brought to you by Calm, the best name for meditation app. It is a meditation and mental wellness app. Over 100 million people around the world use it to take care of their minds. As a dog is barking outside, I wonder if there's a way to have an app that guides meditation for dogs. Of course, cats have already achieved zen status. They give zero F's about any of the troubles of the world. For better or worse, our mind is not as zen as the cats. The human mind, the human mind is full of complex traumas and difficulties and stresses and fears and hopes and just the roller coaster of life and through that you have to remain. Centered and meditation guided meditation is great for that. I can highly recommend Calm. You can get a discount on their premium subscription, which includes hundreds of hours of programming. Check it out at calm dot com slash lex. This show is also brought to you by one of my, if not the favorite sponsor of all time, the greatest of all time, the goat of sponsors. Not really. I don't, I don't, I don't think there's a ranking. There's not an Elo rating for sponsors, but I really enjoy those guys. They're great. Anyway, it's Athletic Greens. They make an drink that I drink twice a day now. AG One, it has all the nutritional stuff in it that you'll ever need. It basically replaces a multivitamin. And helps you achieve peak mental and physical performance. Whatever the heck crazy stuff you do every day, which I do as well—fasting, keto, all that kind of stuff, stress. Whatever the heck is going on with my life, maybe I forget to eat or maybe I eat a bunch of nonsense that I shouldn't have eaten. All of that together combined is okay, as long as you have that basis of Athletic Greens and they have travel packs which I travel with and when I forget to bring them with me. I have an existential crisis. No, I'm okay, but it does make me feel better. It makes me feel like I'm at home when I bring them with me. They'll give you a one month supply of fish oil when you sign up with Athletic Greens dot com slash lex. This episode is brought to you. There's like the goats of sponsors on this episode today. I mean, yeah, I mean some sponsors I use a little bit, some sponsors I use a lot, and this is a lot. So Element electrolyte drink mix I drink many times a day. Like I'm about to go on a run now. I'm going to drink some Element to make sure I'll have the electrolytes I need in case I'm feeling pretty good about myself and I'm going to do like more than 10 miles, 10, 12, 14, 15. One of these days, I'm just going to keep running. I'm going to I'm going to pull a Forrest Gump. I'm just going to keep running. There's not going to be a podcast, all my responsibilities, the people waiting for me on meetings, all the stuff at MIT in my personal life. Tweets all of that, it's just going to disappear, and there's going to be me with a beard running somewhere in the middle of the country, and the only thing I'll have with me. Besides, maybe coffee and the diners I'll stop along the way is Element. Anyway, get a sample pack for free with any purchase. Try it at drink element l m n t dot com slash lex. This is a Lex Friedman podcast. To support it, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here's Fiona Hill. You came from humble beginnings in a coal mining town in northeast England. So, what were some formative moments in your young life that made you the woman you are today? I was born in 1965, and it was the period where the whole coal sector in Britain was in decline already. And you know, basically, my father by the time I came along had lost his job multiple times. Every coal mine he worked in was closing down. He was looking constantly for other work, and he had no qualifications because at age 14 he'd gone down the mines. His father had gone down the mines at 13. His great grandfather, you know, on the same kind of age. I mean, you had a lot of people, you know, different points going down coal mines at 12, 13, you know, 14. They didn't get educated beyond that period because the expectation was, "Hey, you're going to go down the mine like everybody else in your family," and that he didn't really have any other qualifications to, you know, basically find another job beyond something in manual labor. So he worked in a steel works that didn't work out a brick works that closed down, and then he went to work in the local hospital part of the national health service in the United Kingdom as a porter an orderly. So basically, somebody's just pushing people around. There was no opportunity to retrain. So the big issue in my family was education. You've got to have one, you know. You've got to have some qualifications. The world is changing. It's changing really quickly, and for you to kind of keep up with it, you're going to have to get educated and find a way out of this. I'm very early on. My father had basically said to me, "There's nothing for you here. You're going to have to if you want to get ahead." And he didn't have any kind of idea that as a girl I wouldn't. I mean, actually in many respects, I think I benefited from being a girl rather than a boy. There was no expectation that I would go into industry. There was you know some kind of idea that maybe I you know if I got qualifications I could be a nurse. My mother was a midwife, and so she at age 16 left school and gone to train as a nurse and then as a midwife. I had other relatives had gone to teach you know in local schools, and so there was an idea that you know women could get educated, and there was a kind of a range of things that you could do. But the expectation then was, go out there, do something with your life, but also a sense that you probably have to leave. So all of that was circling around me, particularly in my teenage years as I was trying to sort of find my way through life and looking forward. First of all, what does that even look like? Getting educated, given the context of that place, you don't know. There's a whole world of mystery out there. So how do you figure out what to actually do out there? But was there moments, formative moments, either challenging or just inspiring, where you wondered about what you want to be, where you want to go. Yeah, there. I mean, there were a number of things. I mean, I think like a lot of kids, you know, you talk to people and particularly from blue collar background. Said, "What did you want to do?" Boys might say, "I wanted to be a fireman," you know, or you got you know kind of at one point as a little girl, I wanted to be a nurse in a little nurse's uniform like my mother. I didn't really know what that meant, but you know, I used to go around pretending to be a nurse. I even had a little magazine called Nurse Nancy, and I used to read this, and you know, kind of that was one of the formative ideas. We also it was a rural area, semi rural area, and you know, I'd be out in the fields all the time and I'd watch farmers, you know, with their animals and I'd see vets coming along and you know, watching people deal with a livestock and there was a kind of famous story at the time about a vet called James Harriet. It became here in the United States as well, and was a lot of a TV mini series. He'd written a book, and he was the vet for my one of my great aunt's dogs, and people were always talking about him. And I thought, oh, I could be a vet. And then one day I saw one of the local vets with his hand up the backside of a cow in a field, and he got his hand stuck and the cow was kicking him, and I thought, yeah, maybe, maybe not actually. No, I don't think I want to be a vet. So I cycle through all of these things about okay, I could get an education, but the whole sense was you have to apply your education. It wasn't an education for education's sake. It was an education to do something. And when I was about 14 or 15, my local member of parliament came to the school, and it was one of these you know pep talks for kids in these you know deprived areas. He had been quite prominent in local education, and now he was a member of parliament. He himself had come from a really hard scrabble background and had risen up through education. He'd even gone to Oxford and done philosophy, politics, and economics, and he basically told my class, even though it was highly unlikely any of us were really going to get ahead and go to elite institutions. Look, you can get an education, you don't have to be held back by your circumstances. But if you do get an education, it's a privilege and you need to do something with it. So then I'm thinking, well, what could I do? Okay, an education is a qualification. It's to do something. Most people around me, I didn't, I knew didn't have careers. I mean, my dad didn't really have a career. He had jobs. My mom, you know, thought of her nursing as a career though, and it genuinely was, and she was out there trying to help women survive childbirth. My mother had these horrific stories, you know, basically over the dining room table. I wish she'd stop. She'd leave out her nursing books, and I'd tell you if everyone had had my mom as a as a mother, there'd be no there'd be no reproduction on the planet. It was just these grim horrific stories of breached births and fistulas and all kinds of horrors that my sister and I would just go, oh my god, you know, what, please stop. So I thought, well, you know, I don't necessarily want to go in that um, in that direction, but it was the timing that really cinched things for me. I was very lucky that the region that I grew up County Durham, despite the massive decline, deindustrialization and the complete collapse of the local government system, around me still meant money for education, and they also paid for exchanges. We had exchange programs with cities in Germany and France, also in Russia in Kostroma near Yaroslavl, for example, an old textile town, similar you know down in its kind of region, but you know quite historic in the Russian context. In fact, the original birthplace of the Romanov dynasty in Kostroma, just as County Durham, you know, was quite a distinguished historic area in the British context. And so there was an idea that I could go on exchanges, I could learn languages, I studied German, I studied French, and then in 1983, there was the Warsaw. Basically provoked by the Euro missile crisis, so the stationing of new categories of strategic nuclear weapons and intermediate nuclear weapons in Western Europe and in Eastern Europe during the height of the Cold War, and the Euro missile crisis over SS-20 and Pershing missiles went on from 1977, so when I was about 11 or 12, you know, all the way through into the later part of the 1980s. In 1983, we came extraordinarily close to a nuclear conflict. It was very much another rerun of the Cuban missile crisis of 1962, so 20 years on, same kind of thing. The Soviets misread, although I didn't know this at the time, I know a lot of this you know after the fact, but the tension was palpable. But what happened was the Soviets misread the intentions of a series of exercises, Operation Able Archer that the United States was conducting and actually thought that the United States might be preparing for first nuclear strike, and that then set up a whole set of literal chain reactions in the Soviet Union. Eventually, it was recognized that you know all of this was really based on misperceptions, and of course you know that later led to negotiations between Gorbachev and Reagan for the Intermediate Nuclear Forces, the INF Treaty. But in 1983, that tension was just acute, and for as a teenager, you know, we were basically being prepped the whole time for the inevitability of nuclear Armageddon. There were TV series, films in the United States and the UK threads the day after we had all these public service announcements telling us to seek sanctuary or cover in the inevitability of a nuclear blast. And you know, my house was so small, they said, look for a room without a window. There were no rooms without windows. My dad put on these really thick curtains over the window, you know, and said, if there was a nuclear flash, you know, we'd have to you know get down on the floor, not look up, but the curtains would help, and we'd be like, this is ridiculous, dad, and we would all try to see if we could squeeze in the space under the stairs, a cupboard under the stairs like Harry Potter. I mean, it's all just you know totally nuts. I'll go, or you had to throw yourself in a ditch if you were outside, and I thought, well, this this isn't going to work. And one of my great uncles who had fought in World War II said, well, look, you're good at languages, Fiona. Why don't you go and study Russian? Try to figure it out, figure out why the Russians are trying to blow us up because you know during the go talk to them. Exactly during World War II, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet Union had all been wartime allies, and my uncle Charlie thought, well, there's something gone wrong here. Maybe you can figure it out, and as you said, go talk to them. So I thought, okay, I'll study Russian. So that's really how this came about. I thought, well, is applying education, I'll just do my very best to understand everything I possibly can about the Russian language and the Soviet Union, and I'll see what I can do. And I thought, well, maybe I could become a translator. So I had visions of myself sitting around, you know, listening to things in a big headset and in a basically translating pipes at some you know future arms control summit. So how did the journey continue with learning Russian? I mean, this early dream of being a translator and thinking, how can I actually help understand or maybe help even deeper way with this conflict that threatens the existence of the human species? How did actually continue? Well, I mean, I read everything I was actually possibly could about you know nuclear weapons and nuclear war, and you know, started to try to teach myself you know Russian a little bit. It was always in context of nuclear war. It was very much in the context of nuclear war at this particular point, but also in historical context because I knew that the United States and the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union had been wartime allies in World War II, so I tried to understand all of that. And also, you know, I like many other people, I read you know Russian literature in translation. I'd read War and Peace, and you know, I'd love the book actually. I mean, particularly the you know the story parts of it. I wasn't one really at that at that time when I was a teenager. I thought Tolstoy went on a bit, you know, in terms of his theories of the great man and of history and you know kind of social change. Though now I appreciate it more, but when I was about 14, I was like, this man needed an editor. You know, could you have just got on with the story? What some amazing story? What an incredible you know kind of book this is. I still think he needs an editor. But well, I think his wife tried, didn't she? But he got he got quite upset with her, and then I kind of thought to myself, well, how do I how do I study Russian because there were very few schools in my region, you know, given the impoverishment of the region, where you could study Russian, so I would have to take Russian from scratch. And this is where things get really quite interesting because there were opportunities to study Russian at universities, but I would need to have first of all an intensive Russian language course in the summer, and I didn't have the money for that. And the period is around the miners' strike in the United Kingdom in 1984. Now, the miners of County Durham had very interestingly had exchanges and ties with the miners of Donbas going back to the 1920s. And as I studied Russian history, I discovered there was lots of contacts between you know Bolshevik Soviet Union the early period after the Russian Revolution, but even before that, during the imperial period in Russia between the Northern England and the Russian Empire, the old industrial areas, basically big industrial areas like the northeast of England and places like Donbas were built up at the same time, often by the same sets of industrialists. And Donetsk in the Donbas region used to be called Huzevka because it was established by a Welsh industrialist who brought in miners from Wales to help you know kind of develop the coal mines there and also the steel works and others that you know were hearing about all the time. And so I got very fascinated in all these linkages and you know famous writers from the early parts of the Soviet Union, like Yevgeny Zamyatin, worked in the shipyards in Newcastle upon Tyne, and there was just this whole set of connections. And in 1984, when the miners' strike took place, the miners of Donbas, along with other miners from famous coal regions like the Ruhr Valley, for example, in Germany or miners in Poland, sent money in solidarity to the miners of County Durham, and there have been these exchanges I said going back and forth since the 1920s formal exchanges between miners, you know, the region, the miners' unions. And I heard again from the same great uncle who had told me to study Russian that there were actually scholarships for the children of miners and it could be former miners as well for their education, and I should go along to the miners' hall, place called Red Hills, where the the miners of County Durham had actually pooled all of their resources and built up their own parliament and their own you know kind of place that they could talk among themselves to figure out how to enhance the welfare and well-being of their communities, and they'd put money aside for education for miners. There was all kinds of lecture series from the miners and all kinds of other activities supporting soccer teams and artistic circles and writing circles, for example. People like George Orwell, you know, were involved in some of these writer circles in other parts of Britain and mining communities, for example, and so they told me I could, you know, go along and basically apply for a grant to go to study Russian, so I show up and it was the easiest, you know, application I've ever come across—they just asked me to, my dad came along with me—they asked me to verify, you know, that my dad had been a miner and they looked up his employment record on little cards, you know, kind of a little a little trellis somewhere and then they asked me how much I needed, you know, to basically pay for the travel and some of the basic expenses for the the study and they wrote me a check and so thanks to the miners of Donbas and this money that was deposited with the miners of County Durham of the Durham miners association I got the money to study Russian for the first time before I embarked on my studies at university as you're speaking now it's reminding me that there's a different way to look both at history and a geography in a different places is you know this is an industrial region that's right and it echoes in the experience of living there is more captured not by Moscow or Kiev but by at least historically but by just being a mining town in industrial that's right in the place itself yeah I mean there are places in the United States in Appalachia in West Virginia and in Pennsylvania like the Lehigh Valley that have the same sense of place and the Northeast of England you know was the cradle of the industrial revolution it was the industrial version of the Silicon Valley which has its own I would say contours and frames and when you come to those industrial areas your previous identities get submerged in that larger framework I've always looked at the world through that lens of being you know someone from the working class the blue collar communities from a very specific place with lots of historical and economic connotations and it's also a melting pot which is the problems that the Donbas has experienced over you know the last 30 years that people came from all over the place to work there of course there was a a population that one might say is indigenous you know might have gone back centuries there but they would have been you know in the smaller rural farming communities just like it was the same in the Northeast of England and people in the case of the Northeast of England came from Wales they came from further in the south of England the Midlands they came from Scotland they came from Ireland I have all of that heritage in my own personal background and you got a different identity and it's when somebody else tries to impose an identity like on you from the outside that things go awry and I think that that's kind of what we've really seen in the case of Donbas it's a place that's a part in many respects historically and in terms of its evolution and development over time and you know particularly in the case of you know Russia the Russians have tried to say well look you know because most people speak Russian there is the lingua franca I mean in the north of Eastern Europe everyone spoke English but lots of people were Irish speakers you know Gaelic Irish speakers or you know some of them might have certainly been Welsh speakers there was lots of Welsh miners who spoke Welsh as their first language who came there you know but they but they created an identity it's the same in Belfast in Ulster you know the Northern Province of of the you know the whole of the Irish island you know the part of Ireland that is still part of the United Kingdom that was also a heavily industrialized area high manufacturing mass manufacturing shipbuilding for example people came from all over there too which is why when Ireland got its independence in the United Kingdom Ulster Belfast and that whole region you know kind of clung on because it was again that melting pot it was kind of intertwined with the larger industrial economy and had a very different identity and so that you know for me growing up in such a specific place with such a special in many respects heritage gave me a different perspective on things when I first went to the Soviet Union in 1987 to study there I actually went to a translator's institute what was then called the Modest Therese which is now the Institute of Foreign Languages I was immediately struck by how similar everything was to the North of England because it was just like one big working class culture that sort of broken out onto the national stage everything in Northern England was nationalized we had British steel British coal British rail British shipbuilding because after World War II the private sector had been devastated and the state had to step in and of course the Soviet Union is one great giant nationalized economy when I get there and it's just the people's attitudes and outlooks are the same people didn't work for themselves they always worked for somebody else and it had a quite a a distortion on the way that people looked at the world do you still speak Russian I do yeah what are you talking about yeah more or less can you hear this you had easier and then that that means that what what should we say is you will think about what we are now talking about yeah it would be a big mystery for everybody and you have an advantage on me because your native language as well for people wondering the English speakers in the audience you're really missing a lot from the few sentences we said there yeah it's it's a fascinating language that stretches actually geographically across a very large part of this world so there you are in 1987 an exchange student in the Soviet Union what was that world world like well that was absolutely fascinating in that period because it's the period that just around the time of the peak of Perestroika and Mikhail Gorbachev's role as president well it wasn't quite president at that point it's the secretary general of the Soviet of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union trying to transform the whole place so I arrived there in September of 1987 just as Gorbachev and Reagan sign the INF treaty just within you know kind of weeks of them about to sign that which really ends that whole period that had shaped my entire teenage years of the end of the euro missile crisis by finally having agreement on you know basically the reduction and constraints on intermediate nuclear forces and also at this point Gorbachev is opening the Soviet Union up so we got all kinds of opportunities to travel in ways that we wouldn't have done before not just you know in Moscow which is where I was studying at the translator's institute but to the Caucasus to Central Asia went all the way to Habsburgs in the the Russian Far East all the way around you know kind of Moscow and there was at this point it was also the Khrushchev which has become very important now this is the anniversary the thousandth anniversary of the Christianization of of Russia which of course has become a massive obsession of Vladimir Putin but you know 988 because I was there 87 to 88 and at this point the Russian Orthodox Church is undergoing a revival from being repressed during the Soviet period you suddenly have the church stepping out as a non governmental organization and engaging in discussions with people about the future of religion so that was you know something that I wasn't expecting to witness also I mean being in Moscow this is the cultural capital of a vast empire at this point I'd never lived in a major city before it's the first big city I lived in I'd never been to the opera you know I the first time I got an opera it's at the Bolshoi you know I'd never seen a ballet I mean I was not exactly steeped in high classical culture when you kind of growing up in a you know mining region you know there's very limited opportunities for this kind of thing I'd been in a youth orchestra and a youth choir my parents signed me up for probably everything you know they possibly could education wise but it wasn't exactly any exposure to this so you know I was kind of astounded by the sort of wealth of the cultural experience that one could have in Moscow but the main thing was I was really struck by how the Soviet Union was on its last legs because this was Moscow you know I I got this image of what it would look like I was quite to be honest terrified at first about what I would see there even at the big nuclear superpower and as soon as I got there it was just this like as if a huge weight that I'd been carrying around for years of my teenage years just disappeared because it's just ordinary people in ordinary places not doing great this is the period of you know what they call deficit nevremia you know so the period of deficits but there was no food in the shops there was you know very little in terms of commodities because the supply and demand parts of the economic equation were out of whack because this was a total central planning you know you'd go into you know a shop that was supposed to sell boots and there'd be just one pair of boots all in the same size in the same color I actually looked out because one size was in this Hungarian boot shop that was right next to where my whole residence was and I was looking for new pair of boots and every single pair of boots in the shop were my size and they were all women's boots and no men's boots at all you know because there was been a nervous supply of boots and that size production but you could really kind of see here that there was something wrong and you know in the North of England everything was closed down the shops were shuttered because there was no demand because everybody lost their jobs there was massive employment you know when I went off to university in 1984 90% youth unemployment in the UK meaning that when kids left school they didn't have something else to go on to unless they got to university or vocational training or an apprenticeship and most people were still looking you know kind of months out of leaving school and so shops were closing because people didn't have any money you know I had 50% male unemployment in some of the towns as the steel works closed down and the the wagon works of the railways for example in my area but in Moscow people in theory did have money but there was just there was nothing to buy also the place was falling apart literally I saw massive sinkholes open up in the street balconies fall off buildings you know one accident after another and then there was you know this real kind of sense even though the vibrancy and excitement and hope of the Gorbachev period a real sense of the this the Soviet Union had lost its way and of course it was only a year or so after I left from that exchange program and I already started with my degree program in Soviet studies at Harvard that the Soviet Union basically unraveled and it really did unravel it wasn't like it collapsed it was basically that there were so many debates that Gorbachev had sparked off about how to reform the country how to put it on a different path that you know no one was in agreement and it was especially all these fights and deep debates and disputes among the elites at the center as well as you know basically a loss of faith in the system in the periphery and among the general population that in fact pulled it apart and of course 1991 you get Boris Yeltsin as the head of the Russian Federation then a constituent part of the Soviet Union together with the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus all of these being individual parts of the Soviet Union getting together and agreeing essentially ending it and Gorbachev you know so basically I'm there at the the peak of this whole kind of period of experimentation and thinking about the future and within a couple of years it's all kind of gone and it's on a different track entirely well I wonder if we reran the 20th century a thousand times if how many times the Soviet Union would collapse yeah I wonder about that too and I also wonder about what would have happened if it didn't collapse and Gorbachev had found a different direction I mean it's you know we see a very divisive time now in American history the United States of America has very different cultures very different beliefs ideologies within those states but those are that's that's kind of the strength of America there's these little laboratories of ideas until though that they don't keep together I mean I've had colleagues who have described what's happening in the West right now as a kind of soft secession with states you know going off in their own direction and the center in which they well you know these kinds of conceptions that we have now divisions between red and blue states because of the fracturing of our politics and I'd always thought that that wouldn't be possible in somewhere like the United States or you know many other countries as well because there wasn't that ethnic dimension but in fact many of our the way that people talk about politics has given it that kind of appearance in many respects because look I mean we know from the Soviet Union and the Soviet period and from where you're from in originally Ukraine that language is not the main signifier of identity and that identity can take all kinds of of other forms that's really interesting I mean but there has to be a deep grievance of some kind if you took a poll in any of the states in the United States I think a very small minority of people would want to actually secede even in Texas where I spend a lot of my time I just I think that there is a common kind of pride of nation you know there's a lot of people complain about government and about how the country is going the way people complain about the weather when it's raining they say oh this stupid weather it's raining again but really what they mean is we're in the smock together there's a together there that I I also feel that when I go around because I mean I've spent a lot of time since I wrote my book in last October in this last year going around I find I find the same feeling but you know when I traveled around the Soviet Union back in the late 1980s I didn't get any kind of sense that people wanted to see the end of the Soviet Union either it was an elite project there's a a really good book called Collapse by Vladislav Zubok who is a professor at London School of Economics and LSE and Zubok is pretty much my age and he's from you know the former Soviet Union he's Russian and I mean he describes it very quite uply about how it was kind of the elites you know that that basically decided to pull the Soviet Union apart and there is a risk of that you know here as well when you get party Zion politics and people forgetting you know they're Americans and they are all in this together like the lot of the population thing but they think that their own you know narrow party Zion or ideological precepts you know camp for more and in the Soviet case of course was also a power player you know in a way that actually can't quite play out in the United States because it was the equivalent of governors in many respects who got together three of them you know in the case of the heads of Russia Ukraine and Belarus who then you know got rid of you know basically the central the central figure of of Mikhail Gorbachev it would be a little difficult to do that the dynamic is not the same but it does worry me of having seen all of that close up in the late 1980s and the early 90s and I was I spent you know a lot of time in the in Russia as well as in Ukraine and Caucasus Central Asia and you know other places after the collapse of the Soviet Union but that you you kind of see the same elite divisions here in the United States pulling in you know in different in different directions and straining you know the overall body politic and the way that national politics gets imposed on local politics in ways that it certainly wasn't when I first came to the US in 1989 I didn't honestly in 1989 when I first came here I don't know anybody's political affiliation I mean I rarely knew their religious affiliation and you know obviously race was a was a major phenomenon here that was a shock to me when I when I first came but many of the kind of the class regional geographic you know kind of political dimensions that I've seen in other places I didn't see them at play in the same way then as I do now and you take a lot of pride to this day of being nonpartisan that said so you served for the George W Bush Barack Obama and Donald Trump administrations always specializing in Eurasia in Russia you were the top presidential adviser to President former President Donald Trump on Russia and Europe and famously testified in his first impeachment trial in 2019 saying I take great pride in the fact that I'm nonpartisan foreign policy expert so given that context what does nonpartisan mean to you well it means being very careful about not putting any kind of ideological lens on anything you know that I'm analyzing or looking out or saying about foreign policy for one thing but also not taking you know kind of one stance of one party over another either to be honest I've I've always found American politics somewhat confounding because both the Democratic and the Republican Party are pretty big tents some of their coalitions you know in Europe it's actually kind of in some respects easier to navigate the parameters of political parties because you you know you have quite clear platforms you know there's also a longer history in many respects obviously I mean there's a long history here in the United States of the development of the parties you know going back to the late 18th century but in the United Kingdom you know for example in the 20th century the development of the mass parties you know it was quite easy to get a handle on you know at one point in the UK for example the parties were real genuine mass parties

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