第 411 期·中文精讀

奧馬爾·蘇萊曼:巴勒斯坦、加沙、10 月 7 日、以色列、抵抗、信仰與伊斯蘭

Omar Suleiman: Palestine, Gaza, Oct 7, Israel, Resistance, Faith & Islam

伊瑪目奧馬爾·蘇萊曼從信仰與道義角度談巴勒斯坦與加沙局勢、10 月 7 日襲擊,以及抵抗與伊斯蘭教義。

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中文精讀由 AI 基於原始訪談改寫,非官方翻譯,可能存在偏差或錯誤;表述以原音訊與官方文稿為準。說明

2023年10月14日,一個6歲的巴勒斯坦裔美國男孩在家裡被刺了26刀。兇手是他家的房東,一個叫約瑟夫·丘巴的71歲男人。男孩叫瓦迪亞·阿爾法尤梅,父母給他取的小名是 Wadea。兇手在動手前對男孩的母親哈娜安說過一句話,後來被檢方定性為仇恨犯罪:"你們穆斯林,必須死。"

這個案子要放在最前面講,原因在時間點:10月7日之後的第一個週六。而在那個週五,全美各地的伊瑪目和穆斯林領袖都在接到同一類電話,來自各路媒體,問的是同一個問題:"你們打算怎麼應對'全球聖戰日'?"

伊瑪目奧馬爾·蘇萊曼(Omar Suleiman)在播客裡回憶這一幕時語氣很平靜。他說自己當時的反應是:"這是我第一次從你們這兒聽說這件事。"

萊克斯·弗裡德曼(Lex Fridman)第411期播客的嘉賓就是蘇萊曼。他是巴勒斯坦裔美國人、穆斯林學者、民權領袖、雅金伊斯蘭研究院(Yaqeen Institute)院長,也被列為世界上最有影響力的穆斯林之一。這是他第二次上這個節目。上一次聊的是伊斯蘭教本身,這一次聊的是加沙和巴勒斯坦。

兩個多小時的對話裡,蘇萊曼反覆在做一件事:把一個被切碎成新聞片段的現實,重新拼回它原本的時間線裡。他說的很多話會讓一些聽眾不舒服,但這段話資訊密度極高,下面逐段拆開看。

我們的傷亡,永遠是你們的腳註

10月7日之後兩天,蘇萊曼寫了一份公開宣告。弗裡德曼在節目裡讀了其中一段:

"我們巴勒斯坦人的傷亡,對你們來說永遠只是腳註。佔領帶來的日常羞辱被忽略,定居者和士兵對聖地和靈魂的侵略,隨之而來的整個家族的滅絕,加沙這座露天監獄裡剩下那點殘渣被摧毀,不可持續,也不人道。所以,如果你一覺醒來突然對這片地區產生了興趣,想知道到底發生了什麼,請挖得比兩週更深一點,試著讀過那些幾十年來一直在把我們非人化的媒體標題。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

這段話拆開來看有兩層。第一層是他在描述一種結構性的不對稱:巴勒斯坦人的死亡是"日常",以色列人的死亡是"事件"。日常不構成新聞,事件才構成新聞。

第二層是他給突然關心這件事的人提的要求:不要只看兩週的新聞。他把時間線往前推:人權觀察(Human Rights Watch)2021年的報告《閾值已至》(Threshold Crossed)認定以色列是一個種族隔離國家;國際特赦組織(Amnesty International)2022年的報告《種族隔離之罪》逐條對照了種族隔離的法律標準,結論是全部滿足。在他看來,這些都是10月7日之前就已經寫在紙面上的東西。

他反覆強調一個詞:可預測(predictable)。

在蘇萊曼的分析框架裡,10月7日之後的劇情是一種被反覆演練過的迴圈模式:約旦河西岸和加沙的日常侵犯、檢查站、對阿克薩清真寺的衝擊、不斷擴張的定居點、巴勒斯坦人死亡的故事,然後是加沙發射火箭彈,然後西方媒體終於開始報道,然後以色列用"地獄火"導彈和白磷彈回應,傷亡數字完全不成比例。

他說自己當時"並不驚訝",只是為那些他知道會首當其衝的人祈禱。因為這場爆發本身是可預測的。

加沙的機會,是活到明年

弗裡德曼問了一個很具體的問題:在一個你隨時可能被炸死的環境裡,人要怎麼"繁榮"(flourish)?

蘇萊曼的回答值得完整引用:

"因為你知道它就在拐角處。你住在加沙,就永遠知道下一輪炸彈只是時間問題。你知道你在加沙,就是在等自己的死。人們夢想著走出去,去求學;人們夢想著走出去,去抓住經濟機會。在加沙,你對機會的定義,是活到明年的機會。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

"活到明年的機會"這句話,比任何統計資料都更能說明加沙的處境。加沙被形容為"世界上最大的露天監獄":失業、四面封鎖、沒有機場、連捕魚的範圍都有額外限制。蘇萊曼說,叫它露天監獄甚至都是一種不公,因為監獄裡的囚犯不會被世界上最先進的武器例行轟炸。

他補了一個細節:加沙的每一個活人,都至少經歷過好幾輪轟炸。這種轟炸形成了週期性的生活,算不上偶發事件。

還有一層更深的批評,他說得很直接:媒體只在以色列遭到攻擊時,才想起加沙人的處境。"為什麼加沙人的苦難,非要等到以色列被攻擊,才會被提起?"

這句話換個角度聽,它其實在解釋一個傳播學現象:加沙只有在充當某起事件的背景時才進入新聞,它很少作為報道的主體出現。

一個上不了《時代》封面的記者

弗裡德曼問到了瓦埃勒·達杜赫(Wael Al-Dahdouh)。他是半島電視臺加沙市分社社長,家人在空襲中喪生,他自己後來也受傷住院。蘇萊曼給了他一句評價:

"如果瓦埃勒·達杜赫不是巴勒斯坦人,他現在應該上《時代》雜誌封面。他會是全世界最受尊敬的記者。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

這句話表面在夸人,實際指出的是一個反差。達杜赫進過以色列監獄,經歷過空襲,見過佔領最糟糕的形態。他是在直播鏡頭前,親眼看著自己的家被炸、家人被殺的。

蘇萊曼還給了一組資料:這場衝突裡,已經有超過100名記者被殺,這個數字超過歷史上任何一場衝突。國際監督機構有足夠證據表明,其中一部分是有意為之,針對的不只是記者本人,還有他們的家人。

他列舉了這一百多天裡被摧毀的東西:超過一百座清真寺被毀,加沙每一所大學都被夷平。社交媒體上流傳的影片裡,以色列士兵按下引爆按鈕時在笑、在唱歌。學校變成瓦礫。他把這稱為"文化上的種族滅絕"。

教育被摧毀這件事,放在"活到明年"的框架裡看,邏輯就很清楚:一個地方的下一代如果連大學都上不成,那塊地方的機會就被提前掐斷了。

仇恨是人性,但這不是重點

弗裡德曼問了一個很尖銳的問題:在這種環境下長大的加沙孩子,幾乎沒得選,只能恨以色列?

蘇萊曼的回答分了兩半。前半句他很直接:

"這是人性的。任何孩子處在那種壓迫之下,都會恨他的壓迫者。我不管你是誰,不管你是什麼。但問題在於,這件事是怎麼被提出來的。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

後半句才是他真正的批評物件。他說,很多人在談這個話題時,落點其實是"以色列的安全":以色列要安全,就得停止殺害巴勒斯坦人;以色列的未來取決於巴勒斯坦人不要那麼恨以色列;所以得停止折磨這些人,免得他們長大後想來折磨我們。

在他看來,這個論證方式本身就把巴勒斯坦人放在了工具的位置上。巴勒斯坦人的恨之所以重要,是因為它威脅到以色列的安全,而不是因為巴勒斯坦人本身受的苦。

這個批評和後面一個問題的回應是同一個邏輯。

弗裡德曼提到,伊隆·馬斯克曾建議以色列應該在加沙做"顯眼的善舉",在個人層面、政策層面,儘可能多做正面的事。蘇萊曼的回應用了一個很硬的比喻:

"你不會在集中營裡發糖。你本身就是佔領者。所以解決方案必須超越單純的善舉。歸根結底,如果你在佔領一個民族,你就必須撤掉那個佔領。種族隔離不會靠佔領方的善舉來解決。種族隔離靠結束種族隔離來解決。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他又補了一句:

"依賴佔領者的仁慈,等著佔領者哪天心情好了再扔給我幾塊麵包屑,這必須結束。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

這兩句話是整場對話裡態度最硬的地方。它們拒絕了一個常見的替代方案:拿善意來頂替正義。發糖、給尊嚴、做慈善,都是在佔領這個框架內做修補;框架本身不動,修補就沒有意義。

這個道理往小處推同樣成立。任何一段不平等的長期關係裡,居於上位的一方最容易做的動作就是施恩,因為施恩不改變結構,還能換來感激。受恩的一方如果只盯著那幾塊麵包屑,結構就被永久化了。蘇萊曼說的"必須結束",結束的是這種交換本身。

抵抗的正當性,和它的邊界

整場對話最考驗人的部分,是弗裡德曼把"暴力算不算一種有效的抵抗方式"這個問題直接拋了出來。

蘇萊曼先給了一個框架。他引用馬丁·路德·金:和平意味著正義在場,光是暴力缺席還不夠。然後用這個框架推了三步:

  • 佔領和種族隔離本身就是暴力的,哪怕它們以最"仁慈"的形式出現;
  • 佔領的預設狀態是不正當的,種族隔離的預設狀態是不正當的,必須被處理;
  • 對佔領和種族隔離的抵抗,預設狀態是正當的,但抵抗過程中也可能出現越界。

他把這套判斷明確掛在自己的伊斯蘭信仰框架上。他舉了先知穆罕默德的例子:當他看到敵方的一個女人或孩子死了,他會感到憤怒。穆斯林有一句話,"壓迫者不是我們的老師"。但抵抗佔領這件事,在道德上是有正當性的,在國際法上也是有依據的:任何被佔領的民族都有自衛權。

然後弗裡德曼追問:那你剛才提到"越界",所以暴力也可能走得太遠?

蘇萊曼的回答是"絕對如此"。他沒有迴避這個問題,把問題轉到了另一個方向:為什麼我們一直以來對暴力保持沉默?

他說自己真正想看到的是有效的國際司法機構,能夠約束任何一方犯下的侵略和不義,並且追責。任何理性的人都會同意,應該有這樣的機構存在,能夠管住那些在國內管不住的人,能夠制止暴力,能夠正確歸責,然後有問責機制。問題在於,美國讓以色列在國際舞臺上變得"不可戰勝"(invincible),然後大家又來奇怪為什麼全球反美情緒會上升。

弗裡德曼接著把問題收窄:所以對你來說,只要殺害婦女、兒童、非戰鬥人員,無論誰幹的,都是恐怖主義?

蘇萊曼的回答只有兩個字:"絕對。"

這段對話的結構有意思。弗裡德曼試圖在"暴力是否有效"和"暴力是否越界"之間找到蘇萊曼的立場,蘇萊曼沒有陷進這個二選一,他把判斷標準從"誰在用暴力"挪到了"有沒有一個能追責所有人的機制"。他的答案是:越界確實存在,缺的是問責機制,光靠譴責解決不了任何問題。

美國從來不是誠實的調解人

對話的中段,弗裡德曼把鏡頭轉向美國國內政治。他先問了一個背景問題:美國政客在這場衝突裡扮演什麼角色?

蘇萊曼引了詹姆斯·鮑德溫(James Baldwin)的一句話,說以色列是作為美國政策的延伸被建立起來的,本質上是中東門口的一個殖民實體,一個軍事基地,一種把美國政策延伸到整個中東的手段,而它一直是這麼運作的。

然後他給出了自己的判斷:

"美國不是誠實的和平調解人。它從來就不是。美國從來沒有表現出任何有意義的和平傾向。它一直在國際上保護以色列免於被問責,讓以色列變得不可戰勝。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼追問拜登具體哪裡做得不夠。蘇萊曼的回答很具體:拜登第一次在自己的詞彙表裡找到"巴勒斯坦人"這個詞,是用來指控巴勒斯坦人謊報加沙死亡人數。而這個指控後來也被證明是錯的。他說,根據多個國際機構,加沙衛生部給出的數字實際上是低報的,以色列情報部門自己也說,平民死亡人數比加沙衛生部公佈的更高。

他接著說,拜登"沒有表現出任何真正的共情",而且"有一種巨大的幻覺",以為穆斯林群體或有良知的人會在11月大選時原諒、忘記這一切。

"你不能一邊告訴我們'至少我沒有搞特朗普的穆斯林禁令',一邊對主要是穆斯林的人群實施種族滅絕,然後還指望穆斯林繼續投你的票。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼問:所以拜登已經失去或正在失去巴勒斯坦人和美國穆斯林的心?

蘇萊曼的回答有點繞,但意思清楚:他不確定拜登"曾經擁有過"。

"我個人從來不是喬·拜登的粉絲。我覺得很多人也一樣。這個國家的政治制度,不幸的是,你永遠是在兩個惡中選較小的那個。永遠是這樣,分析哪個惡更小。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他補了一句很鋒利的話:當有人說"如果你不投拜登,你就是在摧毀民主",他的反應是:"一個只給你特朗普和拜登兩個選項的民主,本身就已經是失敗的民主了。"

關於特朗普,弗裡德曼也問了。蘇萊曼的回答是,特朗普的第一反應就是"我在這件事上會更狠",他談的是驅逐、撤銷參加親巴勒斯坦集會的學生簽證。蘇萊曼說,特朗普把大使館遷到耶路撒冷,在這件事上也沒更好。他把這稱為"兩黨共同的問題"(bipartisan problem)。

但他說了一句明確的話:他們不把特朗普當救世主,但他們會"懲罰拜登"。這句話放在2024年初的時間點上,是對民主黨一個相當明確的警告。

40萬人上街,主流媒體找不到

2023年11月4日,華盛頓有一場叫"自由巴勒斯坦大遊行"的示威,蘇萊曼在臺上講了話。人數在30萬到40萬之間。

他記得的第一件事跟現場無關,跟報道有關:

"40萬人遊行到華盛頓,這是歷史上最大的遊行之一。主流媒體報道里,哪兒都找不到。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他給了一個對照:在這兩場30萬、40萬人的巴勒斯坦遊行之間,有一場"與以色列站在一起"的集會。國會議員從國會山坐大巴過去講話,民主黨和共和黨都有,還有高知名度名人,多個平臺全程直播。

然後他提到了國際法院(ICJ)。南非起訴以色列種族滅絕案的聽證會,多家美國主流媒體直播了以色列的辯護,卻完全省略了前一天南非陳述以色列罪行的部分。蘇萊曼說,如果這都不算美國主流媒體領域裡最大的媒體偏見展示,那他就不知道什麼算了。

弗裡德曼也問了校園抗議。蘇萊曼的回答裡有一段很生動的觀察:

"我參加的每一場抗議,基調都完全一樣,資訊都完全一樣。但你總會碰到那麼一兩個白痴,舉個牌子,諷刺的是沒人知道那個白痴是誰。他從來不跟別人一起來,總是不知道從哪兒冒出來,站在抗議中間,舉一個跟整場抗議的資訊完全相反的牌子,然後所有鏡頭都轉向他。我每次都看到這一幕。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他的結論是:這些抗議整體上的基調是一致的,呼籲自由、解放、停止種族滅絕、停火、結束佔領、結束種族隔離。

弗裡德曼追問:所以平均的情緒是反佔領,反猶情緒算不上主流?

蘇萊曼的回答裡有兩層。第一層是語言學上的:

"說反錫安主義或反佔領就是反猶,這極其懶惰。首先,巴勒斯坦人本身就是閃米特人。這是第一。第二,看看,我為我的社群感到驕傲。我的社群在這個國家一直站在反猶的前線。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他列舉了具體的事:穆斯林社群曾在猶太教堂門口站崗,曾在猶太社群被攻擊時站出來。然後他把話題拉回定義:這是關於佔領的,是一個殖民實體把巴勒斯坦人趕出家園的故事,是一個被迫為海外正在被滅絕的民族發聲的故事。這是親自由運動,跟反猶沒有關係。

他也承認抗議場景會失控:"抗議場景是混亂的場景,有時候演講者會跑偏,有時候人會情緒上頭。"然後他給了一個判斷標準:用幾起事件來評判整場抗議運動,同時不看他們到底在抗議什麼(一場種族滅絕),這"相當不公平"。

接著他說了一句有時間戳的話:"在這場對話進行的過程中,說過去幾個小時裡至少又有30到40人被殺,這不是誇張,因為我們平均每天死135到150人。所以其他一切都是次要的。"

弗裡德曼也問到了美國國內反猶和反穆斯林仇恨是否上升。蘇萊曼的回應先把立場擺清楚:反猶永遠該被譴責,猶太人不該因為自己是猶太人而在任何地方被攻擊,猶太教堂應該被保護,如果有人因為猶太人身份被襲擊,他會第一批站出來。他還提到,結束佔領的運動裡有"令人鼓舞的、明確的猶太人在場"。他把這叫道德上的一致性。

內塔尼亞胡從來就是這個人

弗裡德曼問蘇萊曼,對 Netanyahu 的看法這一年有什麼變化。

蘇萊曼的回答是:沒有變化,因為他一直就是這個人,只是大家沒在聽。

"本雅明·內塔尼亞胡把自己交給了抹除巴勒斯坦人、巴勒斯坦象徵和巴勒斯坦土地這件事。從他政治生涯的一開始,他就是這個人。我們只是一直沒有聽他說。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他列了幾件事:內塔尼亞胡以偏執和種族主義為競選綱領,承諾永遠不會有巴勒斯坦國;承諾加沙會被抹平;競選時說過"阿拉伯人正湧向投票站,我們必須確保他們不會感染我們的政策"。

蘇萊曼的結論是:他現在只是在把一直以來的資訊變現。"任何忽視這一點的人,都是在裝傻。"

弗裡德曼追問:那"以色列的安全是首要關切"這個說法,是虛假的嗎?

蘇萊曼的回答很直接:他認為內塔尼亞胡是在保自己的位子。他知道自己的日子不多了。這跟以色列無關,跟人質無關,跟任何事都無關,只跟內塔尼亞胡有關。他用了一串詞形容這個人:自戀者、暴君、全世界都厭惡他,連以色列人裡也有深深的恨意。他認為人質家屬知道內塔尼亞胡不在乎人質,也不在乎家屬,他在推動一個不在乎任何人的政治議程,不在乎巴勒斯坦人,也不在乎別人。

佔領由誰定義

對話裡有一個法律層面的核心爭論:加沙算不算被佔領?

反方的論點是:以色列軍隊在10月7日之前已經撤出加沙很多年了,所以不算佔領。蘇萊曼的回應是:

"以色列沒有資格自己設定條款,然後自己定義。按照任何國際法律標準,這都是佔領。以色列控制著加沙每個人的行動,控制著天空和海洋,控制著進出口的能力。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他列舉了被剝奪的東西:行動自由、繁榮的自由、自決權。加沙沒有機場,機場也是被以色列摧毀的。他引用了一個法律學者努拉·埃拉卡特(Noura Erakat)的文章,說以色列受佔領法約束,這是問題的癥結所在。

弗裡德曼問:那以色列有沒有權利保衛自己的邊界?

蘇萊曼的回答很關鍵,他把問題重新表述了:

"以色列有責任保護它所佔領的人。我認為你得換一種方式問這個問題。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他用約翰·克里的一句話作為對照:美國有時候很擅長髮表一些無關痛癢的宣告,說以色列必須選擇它想做一個猶太國家還是一個民主國家,但它不可能兩者兼得。蘇萊曼的解讀是:以色列想佔領、想否認,同時又不想被當作佔領者來要求,想被當作一個正常國家對待。

這個"定義權"的問題其實超出巴以本身。一個行為主體如果同時掌握行為、定義和裁判三件事,任何外部批評都會先在定義這一關失效。"撤軍了所以不是佔領"這句話的力量,來自它能讓人忽略撤軍之後仍然存在的控制手段。看任何一場爭議,先確認誰手裡握著定義權,往往比爭論事實更快看清局面。

胡塞、兒童囚犯、亞伯拉罕協議

弗裡德曼問了葉門胡塞武裝襲擊以色列、美英隨後轟炸葉門的事。

蘇萊曼的回答有一個明確的切割:他不支援胡塞武裝,也不支援他們的一般政策。但他指出一個對比:胡塞襲擊這些船,是為了回應佔領或種族滅絕,並且說會一直這麼做,直到停火達成。他們沒有殺人,他們扣押了船,封鎖了航道,但他們說只要停火,他們就停止。

他的判斷是:

"美國顯然更在乎自己的航道,而不是巴勒斯坦人的生命。這一點已經被證明了。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

接著他談到了眾議員埃迪·伯尼斯·約翰遜(Eddie Bernice Johnson),她是貝蒂·麥科勒姆(Betty McCollum)提出的一項法案的少數共同提案人之一。這項法案在國會擱置多年,內容是懲罰以色列關押兒童囚犯。他說,成千上萬的孩子被任意拘留、送入軍事法庭、單獨監禁,人權組織還記錄了針對他們的性暴力,而這些都沒有任何後果。

蘇萊曼在這裡點出了一個政治現實:

"僅僅是想透過附加條件來限制對以色列的援助,讓它不要不加區分地轟炸整個平民群體,這麼多年,在美國主流政治裡都找不到立足之地。僅僅是想阻止以色列把孩子抓走、扔進軍事監獄、讓他們消失幾十年,在美國主流政治裡都找不到任何推力。而任何親以色列的決議,都會相對快速地透過兩院。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他把兩百萬加沙人稱為"人質",把每一個生活在佔領下的巴勒斯坦人稱為"人質",把所有被關押的囚犯(女人、孩子、沒有審判程式的人)也稱為"人質"。他指出了一個語言陷阱:當你把"以色列人質"和"巴勒斯坦囚犯"分開來提的時候,你已經暗示了一方是自己遭的殃,另一方是咎由自取。

關於亞伯拉罕協議(Abraham Accords),他的評價是整場對話裡最不留情的一句:

"亞伯拉罕協議不過是一份在軍火交易上貼上亞伯拉罕名字的協議。為了讓這些國家能夠從事自己的不神聖的勾當,他們用了歷史上最神聖的名字之一,繼續抹除這場暴行最主要的受害者。所以亞伯拉罕協議是對人類的侮辱,對巴勒斯坦人的侮辱,對亞伯拉罕這個名字的侮辱。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

但他沒有完全否定大型和平協議的可能性。他說,如果這些協議對巴勒斯坦人的苦難是誠實的,對問題的根源是誠實的,那當然可以。問題在於,整個和平程序這麼多年來一直被懸在巴勒斯坦人頭上,定居點卻在繼續擴張,情況在繼續惡化。他反問:以色列真的會撤走70萬到80萬定居者,然後突然在兩國方案上改變調子嗎?內塔尼亞胡現在正在說的,是永遠不會有一個巴勒斯坦國,而他說這話時,面對的是以色列公眾中明顯佔多數的那部分人。

被簡化的兩個人

弗裡德曼把抵抗方式的問題具體化了:馬丁·路德·金強調非暴力抵抗,馬爾科姆·X強調"任何必要手段"的抵抗。你站哪一邊?

蘇萊曼先把這個問題的前提拆了。他說這種對立框架依賴於對馬丁·路德·金的"淨化"和對馬爾科姆·X的"妖魔化",很多人把這兩個人當成兩條完全相反的路。

他在南衛理公會大學(SMU)教過一門課,講馬丁·路德·金、馬爾科姆·X、伊斯蘭教和民權運動。他的教學方法是給學生一組引語,讓他們判斷這句話是誰說的,學生總是判斷錯。他說,你可以在馬丁·路德·金《打破沉默》(Breaking the Silence)裡,尤其是他公開反對越戰之後,找到大量聽起來"非常激進"的話。而馬爾科姆·X則被塑造成一個只想暴力、只想在美國製造混亂的憤怒穆斯林。

這個框架被拆掉之後,蘇萊曼回到了巴勒斯坦的具體情況上。弗裡德曼問:巴勒斯坦人多數支援10月7日的襲擊,這個事實你怎麼看?

蘇萊曼的回答是讓提問者換視角:

"你必須從他們的眼睛看他們的世界。你不能用你的眼睛去看他們的世界。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

然後他描述了這個"世界":你生活在佔領下,在以色列檢查站被例行騷擾,佔領在向你的領地擴張,你經常遇到被趕出家門、在這片不斷縮小的土地上找新地方的家庭,你要應對例行空襲,你沒辦法出去,你沒辦法成長,你連護照都沒有,你的教育水平不行,你的生活水平比世界其他地方都低。而另一邊,那個主導了話語、主導了你生存的每一個元素的一邊,你從那裡聽到的全是徹底抹除的承諾。

他接著引了馬爾科姆·X的刀比喻:如果一個人把刀捅進我後背九英寸,拔出來六英寸,這不叫進步,進步是治好傷口,而你連承認那把刀的存在都不願意。

蘇萊曼的落點是:

"那些不承認任何國際人權組織、甚至以色列人權組織(比如 B'Tselem)都已經確認的種族隔離狀態、佔領狀態、以及正在展開的種族滅絕的人,不是和平的夥伴。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼在這裡插了一句很人性化的話:想到癒合要花多久,就覺得痛,就算現在開始癒合,按這個刀的比喻,也是好幾代人的事,因為人不會忘記自己的父母被殺,不會忘記家裡有人被殺。

蘇萊曼的回答是這場對話裡最有倫理重量的一段之一:

"我們必須接受一個事實:過去的創傷不能為當下的謀殺辯護,對未來的恐懼也不能為當下的謀殺辯護。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

這句話的力量在於它的對稱。它同時約束了受害者和加害者,也同時約束了歷史和未來。任何一方的痛苦都不構成對另一方施暴的許可證,任何一方對明天的恐懼也不能提前兌現在今天的死者身上。

巴勒斯坦人不想離開

弗裡德曼問了一個在西方輿論裡很常見的問題:為什麼周邊國家不接收巴勒斯坦難民?

蘇萊曼提出要分層處理這個問題。他先提了兩個人。一個是尼基·黑利(Nikki Haley),在一次採訪裡說:"為什麼你認為沒人想接收巴勒斯坦人?"說這句話時她發出了一種"深深令人不安的笑"。另一個是本·夏皮羅(Ben Shapiro),說過"以色列人喜歡建設,阿拉伯人喜歡炸爛東西、生活在自己的汙水裡"之類的話。蘇萊曼說,這類話的潛臺詞是:巴勒斯坦人管不好,不適合被接納進你的國家,所以被拒之門外

蘇萊曼說,這類話的潛臺詞是:巴勒斯坦人管不好,不適合被接納進你的國家,所以被拒之門外。

然後他給出了自己的解釋:

"他們四面八方都被封鎖。加沙的人無處可去。他們出不來。而現實是,他們不想離開。他們真的不想離開。巴勒斯坦人想在自己的土地上、自己的家裡生活,繼續傳承交給他們的美好文化和遺產。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他補了一句:那些因為各種原因離開的人,或者能出國就醫的人,或者有其他國籍的人,他們談的都是回去重建。然後他說了一句在整個對話裡被廣泛引用的話:

"你不能把巴勒斯坦從我們心裡炸掉。你不能把巴勒斯坦從我們心裡餓掉。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他認為以色列在這裡犯了一個關鍵錯誤:以為把加沙毀得足夠徹底,把所有建築都剷平,人們就再也不想回來了。但巴勒斯坦人不想去任何會讓他們離開自己家的地方。

弗裡德曼接了一句:"巴勒斯坦人是一個驕傲的民族。"蘇萊曼回應:你見過很多巴勒斯坦人,你和穆罕默德·埃爾庫爾德(Mohammed El-Kurd)坐在一起聊過,你和東耶路撒冷的人聊過,那些人經歷過什麼,那種騷擾。他描述了一個畫面:一個闖入者被國家帶進你家,坐在你客廳裡,推搡你,你還在說"我不離開我的家",這需要多大的韌性和品格。他說這就是東耶路撒冷正在發生的事。

然後他給出了一個立場:

"我們這些在散居地的人,巴勒斯坦不會離開我們的心;那些還在那裡的人,不會離開他們的土地。世界必須讓佔領者承擔更多責任,而不是告訴被佔領者如何應對。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

這句話值得多停一會兒。它在糾正一種提問習慣。當外部世界討論"難民為什麼不走"、"他們該怎麼活下去"的時候,問題的重心悄悄從佔領者身上挪到了被佔領者身上。提問的角度一變,責任的方向也跟著變了。

那個和他同名同姓的16歲少年

弗裡德曼問了一個很私人的問題:如果當年你的家人沒有逃離,你現在就生活在加沙,你會在做什麼?

蘇萊曼說他經常想這件事。在華盛頓那場遊行上,他講過一個細節:10月之前,他收到一條新聞推送,通知他名字出現在某篇文章裡。他經常收到這種通知,本來沒當回事。點開之後發現,是一個16歲的奧馬爾·蘇萊曼在約旦河西岸被殺。

"他的名字和我一模一樣。我在遊行上舉起他的照片,我意識到那本可能是我。所以我會想,為什麼上帝選擇讓我不身在那裡,也希望他選擇我們這些不在那裡的人,是為了那些還在那裡的人,去做他們的聲音。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他說自己既感恩又痛苦。感恩的是有機會替他們說話,痛苦的是他們要承受這種邪惡仇恨的主要衝擊,而這種仇恨正是當年讓他的父輩流離失所的東西。

這段對話裡有一個很難處理的心理張力:倖存者的愧疚。蘇萊曼沒有把它解決掉,他只是把它擺在那裡,然後轉成了行動的理由。這可能是他整場對話裡最誠實的一段,因為他說完之後沒有再補一個漂亮的總結。

原住民類比裡能用的部分

弗裡德曼問到巴勒斯坦人常被類比為美洲原住民這件事,問這個類比哪裡成立、哪裡不成立。

蘇萊曼的回應先承認了連線的力量。他說巴勒斯坦人和這片土地上的原住民、以及其他地方被虧待的原住民之間,有一種強有力的連線。他說我們正生活在美國被偷來的土地上,這片土地浸透了原住民的鮮血,又建立在從海外運來的被奴役的非洲人的血汗和勞動之上。這是一種必須不斷去面對的巨大的惡。他認為這就是團結的力量所在。他提到加拿大、澳大利亞這些地方,也出現了對原住民罪行的重新聚焦。

這個類比在蘇萊曼的框架裡有三層作用。道德上的作用是:把巴勒斯坦放進一個已經被廣泛承認的歷史不義譜系裡。認知上的作用是:讓美國聽眾意識到,他們腳下的土地本身就有類似的問題,不能只把殖民當成別人的事。政治上的作用是:原住民議題在這些國家已經有一定的公共討論空間,借它可以撬動更多關注。

至於這個類比不適用的地方,比如原住民在美國是少數族群、而巴勒斯坦人在自己的土地上曾經是多數,蘇萊曼沒有展開。他把重點放在了"被虧待"這個共同點上。

聖地與先知

弗裡德曼問:為什麼巴勒斯坦是一個特殊的地方,一塊聖地?

蘇萊曼的回答從"先知之地"開始。他說這是先知們走過的土地,對猶太教徒、基督徒、穆斯林都有深遠意義,是亞伯拉罕的土地,有極其豐富的歷史,把多個民族以多種方式連線在一起。它很珍貴。歷史在講述這片土地上的悲劇和掙扎的同時,也講述了一個關於神聖性的美麗故事。

弗裡德曼順著"先知"這個話題往下問:穆罕默德在伊斯蘭教裡被深深尊崇,其他先知也是,耶穌就是其中之一。這兩位先知的教導有什麼相似和不同?

蘇萊曼的回答很系統。他說伊斯蘭教講的是"順服獨一的神,並在這個過程中獲得平安"。它指的是所有先知帶來的一種生活方式,也就是一神論,以及按照神命令你的方式去侍奉那一位神。他說《古蘭經》裡講,我們不在先知之間做區分,所有先知帶來的都是同一個資訊、同一個使命。信條上是一致的,在那些後來成為每位先知立法根基的部分裡,有一種美,我們把他們都看作先知裡的兄弟。

他補了一句:我們愛神的先知們,我們相信他們各自帶來的立法是那個時代所需要的,但資訊是一樣的。

弗裡德曼追問:所以資訊本質上是相同的。那強調點上有區別嗎?比如耶穌對愛的強調?

蘇萊曼的回答很有意思,他先把這個問題和前面 MLK 與 Malcolm X 的對比聯絡起來:"就像你談 MLK 和 Malcolm 到一個程度,只不過 MLK 和 Malcolm 之間實際上是有一些區別的。我只是覺得他們之間的區別被誇大了。"然後他說,他不認為摩西沒有強調愛,耶穌強調愛,然後穆罕默德沒有強調愛(願平安歸於他們全體)。他認為他們各自都強調了神同樣的屬性和名字,以及認識神的方式。當然在立法上有變化,在神聖律法上有變化,但神聖的精神是一樣的。

"我不認為他們彼此對立,也不認為任何一位先知背叛了在他之前到來的資訊。我認為他們都是同一個美麗資訊的一部分:我們要與我們的造物主和諧,我們向他尋求指引,當我們這樣做的時候,我們就在地球上建立了一種更偉大的存在。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

跨信仰關係:複雜,非常複雜

弗裡德曼提到,蘇萊曼長期和其他信仰的人(基督徒、猶太人)有很好的對話和友誼。10月7日之後,這些關係在美國有沒有受到影響?

蘇萊曼的回答先給了兩個詞,然後展開:

"複雜。非常複雜。而且不只是穆斯林和猶太人,還有基督教錫安主義者。在我看來,基督教錫安主義是問題的根源,尤其當我們談論是什麼驅動了美國對以色列那種不可動搖、無條件的承諾時。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他接著說,這對巴勒斯坦基督徒尤其具有毀滅性。以色列可以轟炸加沙一些最古老的基督教堂,殺害巴勒斯坦基督徒,巴勒斯坦基督徒被禁止前往聖墓教堂,或者去伯利恆、耶路撒冷的敬拜場所,而美國的基督徒卻背對他們。

弗裡德曼說,他希望更多拉比能進行像今天這樣的對話,同時也希望這種對話不被看成是他們背棄了自己的宗教。

蘇萊曼的回答把範圍擴大了:不只是猶太教領袖,還有基督教領袖。他說,那些聲稱自己是反伊斯蘭恐懼症盟友的人,必須看到一件事:你不可能一邊反對伊斯蘭恐懼症,一邊又對巴勒斯坦人施加偏見。

弗裡德曼提到,上次對話之後,他見了很多巴勒斯坦基督徒,包括在約旦河西岸,那些人很美好。蘇萊曼推薦了蒙瑟·伊薩牧師(Reverend Munther Isaac)的聖誕佈道《瓦礫中的耶穌》(Jesus in the Rubble),說它非常深刻。他還提到自己和路德宗教會的米特里·拉赫布(Mitri Raheb)聊過。他說這些人被摧毀了。他提到一個讓很多美國人震驚的例子:賈斯汀·阿馬什(Justin Amash),前共和黨國會議員,巴勒斯坦裔基督徒,發帖說自己的家人死於教堂轟炸。

蘇萊曼由此得出一個判斷:驅動這種可怕政策的仇恨哲學,根源上是世俗的,並非宗教的。

這個判斷其實很值得琢磨。一場圍繞聖地的衝突,最後被歸結為世俗利益:軍火、航道、選票、地緣位置。宗教在這套敘事裡承擔的是動員功能,是話語資源,是讓人願意接受某種政策的包裝。看穿這一層之後,那些"宗教戰爭"的標籤就失去了大半解釋力。

"伊斯蘭不是和平的宗教"這個指控

弗裡德曼轉到了一個在西方輿論裡被反覆提出的批評:有人指出《古蘭經》裡的某些具體經文,認為伊斯蘭教不是和平的宗教。你怎麼回應?

蘇萊曼先給了一個純量化的比較:如果你把《古蘭經》裡關於暴力的經文拿出來,和新約、舊約做一個純粹的百分比比較,你會發現《古蘭經》裡關於戰爭的經文比舊約或新約都要少。他說有大量研究可以支援這一點。

然後他往深了一層:要把《古蘭經》的降示放回它的歷史語境裡。降示過程超過23年,是對先知穆罕默德遭受深度迫害的回應。把語境放回去,那些經文就完全不是被塑造成的那樣。

他最後給了一個反證:

"如果穆斯林相信他們必須在哪裡見到人就殺,人類就不會存在。我們有二十億人。如果我們相信《古蘭經》召喚我們去傷害人、去殺人,僅僅因為對方不是信徒,那這個世界就不會可持續。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼追問:那為什麼這些敘事在美國的當下話語裡能站住腳?

蘇萊曼的回答把宗教問題轉成了政治問題:因為這些敘事允許對穆斯林群體施加更大的暴力,無論在國內還是國外。美國對主要是穆斯林的國家發動過戰爭,對穆斯林世界有特別暴力的外交政策。美國國內的穆斯林社群,在共和黨和民主黨政府下都經歷過多次壓制和監控專案。所以那種伊斯蘭恐懼症有它的"便利性",那種對穆斯林社群的框定也有它的"便利性",它還能轉移注意力,讓人不去看其他更深、更普遍、包括政府自己實施的暴力。

阿克薩:第一朝向與夜行登霄

弗裡德曼請蘇萊曼講講阿克薩清真寺,為什麼它對穆斯林如此重要,又為什麼和這場危機有關。

蘇萊曼的解釋從"所有先知"開始。穆斯林尊崇所有先知的歷史,所有走過那個地方、在那個地方敬拜過的先知,都讓那個地方變得神聖。所以那個地方的神聖性,不因為是在穆罕默德之前還是之後而有差別。我們尊崇它。

他講了兩件具體的事。一是阿克薩是先知穆罕默德在"夜行登霄"(Al-Isra' wal-Mi'raj)那一夜率領其他先知祈禱的地方,然後他升上諸天又回來。二是阿克薩是第一個朝向(Qibla),也就是穆斯林禮拜的最初方向。在穆斯林面向麥加禮拜之前,伊斯蘭教的前半段,他們禮拜時是面向耶路撒冷的。

弗裡德曼在這裡插了一句:人的價值甚至比阿克薩清真寺更大,這是伊斯蘭教的一個奠基性觀念。

蘇萊曼的解釋是:先知穆罕默德對著克爾白本身說,一個信徒的尊嚴和榮譽的價值,比這個建築本身的價值更大。所以當他看到一個加沙的人被侵犯,看到一個孩子,那對他來說甚至比阿克薩更重要。但阿克薩也是穆斯林身份的核心,當然也是巴勒斯坦事業的核心。它是先知們的地方,應該以先知的方式被對待。

這套排序在整場對話裡很關鍵。建築是神聖的,人的尊嚴在排序上還要靠前。這個次序一旦確立,任何以保衛聖地之名造成的人道災難,就自動失去了宗教上的辯護。

《古蘭經》TikTok 趨勢

蘇萊曼提到,10月7日之後,美國很多年輕人對伊斯蘭教產生了興趣。弗裡德曼請他解釋這個趨勢。

蘇萊曼說,出現了《古蘭經》TikTok 趨勢,有幾個人上鏡說"我第一次讀《古蘭經》"。他覺得這說明加沙人信仰的美,以及他們韌性的美。當你看到這些人生活在人間地獄裡,卻在尋求外面的天堂,他們還能被信仰的話語、決心和確信所激勵,你會想:他們的秘密是什麼?他們在讀什麼?他們靠什麼,能面對這種暴行還保持這樣的風度?

這個觀察挺值得停下來想。在一個反宗教情緒普遍上升的時代,一場被直播的災難,反而讓一部分年輕人去翻一本宗教經典。他們未必突然信教,更可能是在尋找一種解釋:為什麼那些失去一切的人,還能保持那種狀態。

弗裡德曼問:瞭解伊斯蘭教、瞭解它的信仰和靈性體驗,有什麼好方式?

蘇萊曼給了很具體的路徑:whyislam.org、雅金研究院的網站 yaqeeninstitute.org,還有很多伊斯蘭網站可以回答問題。但他說,沒有什麼比得上去一座清真寺,真正走進清真寺,見到穆斯林,問問題。

"我告訴人們,你必須走出舒適區,去那裡,讓你的世界變得複雜一點,去體驗,去聽講道,去見不同背景的人,然後問問題。順便說一句,穆斯林很喜歡被問關於他們信仰的問題,因為他們太厭倦聽別人談論它了。巴勒斯坦人喜歡被問關於巴勒斯坦的問題,因為他們太厭倦聽別人談論它了。所以去問,你會得到回答。但沒有什麼比得上物理的連線,沒有什麼比得上人的連線。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼問:皈依伊斯蘭教有多難?

蘇萊曼的回答是:"20秒,兄弟。"

他解釋:沒有水池,沒有洗禮。他常和人開玩笑說"好吧,水池在後面,我們現在做洗禮"。皈依就是見證神的獨一,並見證穆罕默德是他的最後一位使者。這叫做"舍哈達"(Shahada)。當你見證神的獨一、見證先知穆罕默德是他的最後一位先知,你就接受了所謂的"六大信條":信獨一的神,信天使,信使者(所以你不信耶穌、摩西、亞伯拉罕、穆罕默德,不信神透過神聖啟示對人類說的話,你就不可能是一個穆斯林;《古蘭經》是最後的啟示),信末日,信前定。

這段對話輕鬆了一下,但它其實解釋了前面很多內容的基礎:為什麼蘇萊曼談耶穌、摩西、亞伯拉罕時那麼自然,因為在他的信仰框架裡,這些人屬於同一條先知譜系。

齋月:在種族滅絕進行時尋找神聖連線

弗裡德曼說,對蘇萊曼這樣一個巴勒斯坦裔美國人來說,這一年的齋月可能格外艱難。你在期待什麼?今年有什麼不同?

蘇萊曼說,他希望並祈禱齋月之前能有停火。他希望到那個時候,大家正在重建加沙,正在討論重建加沙,正在幫助那些以各種方式受到傷害的人。他希望齋月是一個轉折點。

然後他講了往年的情況:每個齋月,對巴勒斯坦人的侵犯似乎都在增長。所以通常到了齋月的最後十夜,對阿克薩清真寺的衝擊會讓整個穆斯林世界變味,因為你在看著世界上最神聖的地方之一,禮拜者被襲擊。與此同時,你還在試圖在齋月裡找到自己深深的、神聖的連線。

"這一次我們走進去,如果這一切還在繼續,我們面對的就是一場持續的種族滅絕。所以我認為社群的情緒是沉重的。這種情緒是我從未見過的。所以我預計這個齋月會和我們見過的任何齋月都不同。我認為焦點會繼續在加沙,要麼是停止對加沙的侵犯,要麼是開始重建加沙。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼問:所以一種普遍的沉重感,滲透進你的祈禱和思緒?

蘇萊曼說,10月7日之後他做的每一次講道都必須包含這件事,因為這是所有人心頭的重負。他說社群裡有人失去了20、30、40個親人。如果開始有難民,或者有人出國就醫、從埃及出來和家人團聚,事情就變得更真實了,對人們來說變得更私人了。所以他覺得齋月會在資訊上和社群上,把這個時刻的痛苦和一份對希望與治癒的祈禱包圍在一起。

弗裡德曼請他分享一段自己最常回到的《古蘭經》經文。

蘇萊曼說,他每次被問到這個問題,最能引起共鳴的部分通常和他當下最沉重的事有關。他引了《麥爾彥章》裡的一小段:"你的主不曾忘記。"(Your Lord does not forget)

"當你看到眼下正在發生的事,我們的希望不在受造物身上,我們的希望在造物主身上。我們的希望不在此生,我們的希望在來世。所以那段經文深深共鳴,因為我覺得我們很多人經常在想,他們要怎麼重建?他們要怎麼走過這一切?我們知道神有恢復一切的方式。神會恢復一切,如果不在今生,那就在來世。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼說:所以那裡有一團永恆的希望的火焰在燃燒。

蘇萊曼的回答把話題拉回到了加沙人身上:是的,加沙人有這團火。如果你被物質世界挾持,你更容易被它迷惑。但加沙人從來沒有被物質世界迷惑過,因為他們從來沒有真正擁有過它。他們一直依附於一個更大的理念、一個更大的地方。所以這是他們秘密配方的一部分,他們相信某種比這更偉大的東西。

"除非你相信地獄之外的天堂,否則你無法在地球上的地獄裡活下來。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

四五十年之後

弗裡德曼把時間線拉得很長:四五十年後,我們再做一期播客,你八九十歲了,你希望在中東看到什麼?你希望在中東和美國看到什麼改變,作為人民、作為政策、作為文化、作為國家?

蘇萊曼的回答沒有落在巴以邊界、兩國方案、耶路撒冷地位這些具體議題上。他從一個更大的框架開始:民族國家模式和民族主義正在變得不可持續,光是難民人口的增長,絕望的難民人口的增長,就已經在衝擊這個模式。世界各地不幸地在興起狂熱主義和法西斯主義,氣候變化,以及這一切帶來的流離失所。

"我們將不得不弄清楚如何作為一個世界來運作,而不是作為民族和國家。我們將不得不弄清楚如何不把邊界外的每個人視為威脅,不把邊界內和我們不同的人視為威脅。我們將不得不開始把人當人看。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

他的希望是:我們能讓人們足夠不舒服,從而超越他們心裡的一些障礙,超越我們在世界上的一些障礙,那些讓人無法把別人當人看的障礙,而那些障礙又驅動了對離我們如此遙遠的人實施可怕的政策。

這個答案放在一場關於加沙的對話末尾,其實把問題往上提了一層。他沒有說"我希望巴勒斯坦建國",他說的是人類能學會把人當人。前者是一個政治解決方案,後者是一個文明問題。在他看來,如果後者不解決,前者解決了也會以別的形式復發。

力量從哪裡來

弗裡德曼的最後一個問題是關於蘇萊曼本人的:你一直無所畏懼地穿行在火裡,是什麼在心理上給你力量,讓你繼續走下去、繼續發聲,還能保持對未來的樂觀和希望?

"我不相信任何人能給我成功,或導致我失敗,除非得到神的許可。我不從任何人那裡尋求燃料,我不從任何人那裡尋求希望。我相信一位有更偉大計劃的造物主,我想成為那個計劃中更大的一部分。我被加沙人的韌性所激勵,我被我的父母、我們的祖父母、世界各地拒絕屈服於被抹除、拒絕放棄的巴勒斯坦人的韌性所激勵。所以我們既有我們需要的能量,也有我們需要的榜樣。能量來自上方,榜樣就在我們周圍。"(奧馬爾·蘇萊曼)

弗裡德曼最後感謝了蘇萊曼,提到他在自己個人低谷時發來的那些私人資訊。蘇萊曼只是簡單回了句謝謝。

節目結尾,弗裡德曼引了馬丁·路德·金的一句話:"我們終將克服,因為道德宇宙的弧線很長,但它彎向正義。"

這場對話真正在講什麼

把兩個多小時的內容壓縮一下,蘇萊曼其實在反覆做四件事。

第一,把時間線拉長。10月7日只是起點之一,2021年人權觀察的種族隔離報告、2022年國際特赦組織的報告、多年來對阿克薩的衝擊、不斷擴張的定居點,都構成了背景。他要的是"比兩週挖得更深"。

第二,把"善舉"和"正義"分開。馬斯克的發糖建議、亞伯拉罕協議、兩國方案的和平程序,在他的框架裡都屬於在佔領這個框架內做修補。框架不動,修補就只能在原地打轉。他的原話是"依賴佔領者的仁慈必須結束"。

第三,把"抵抗的正當性"和"抵抗的邊界"分開談。他承認抵抗佔領在國際法和道德上有正當性,也承認抵抗中會出現越界,但他堅持殺害婦女兒童無論誰幹都是恐怖主義。他真正想說的是一種問責機制的雙重標準:為什麼有的國家可以被追責,有的國家在國際舞臺上"不可戰勝"。

第四,把"人"放在"立場"前面。整場對話裡最能說明他立場的,是那個6歲男孩跑向兇手喊"喬叔叔"的細節。那個孩子不知道那把刀會傷害他,因為他在此之前收到的只有玩具。

如果要給這場對話找一個可以帶走的東西,可能是蘇萊曼那句關於視角的話:"你必須從他們的眼睛看他們的世界,你不能用你的眼睛去看他們的世界。"這聽起來像一句道德勸告,它同時也是一個方法論。在任何一場你只看到一方的衝突裡,先問一句:另一方的日常,在新聞裡出現過嗎?

  • 遇到一個被切碎的新聞事件,先去補時間線。不要只看最近兩週的報道,去找事件之前三到五年的報告、資料和記錄,看這件事在發生之前有沒有被預警過。蘇萊曼反覆用的方法是"這很可預測",而可預測的東西,通常在更早的材料裡就留下了痕跡。
  • 區分"修補"和"結構改變"。當一個方案只涉及發糖、給尊嚴、做慈善,而不觸及造成問題的權力結構時,問一句:這個方案是在解決問題,還是在讓問題變得可忍受?這個判斷方法不只適用於國際政治,也適用於公司治理和公共政策。
  • 看到傷亡數字時,先找分母和口徑。蘇萊曼提到加沙衛生部的數字被多方認為低報,以色列情報部門自己給出的平民死亡數更高。任何一個數字都要問:是誰統計的,統計口徑是什麼,有沒有獨立的第三方交叉驗證。
  • 警惕"用一個極端個例代表整場運動"的敘事。他在講校園抗議時描述的那個"沒人認識、總是單獨出現、舉著相反牌子、然後所有鏡頭都對準他"的人,是一種可複製的媒體機制。看到這類畫面時,先問一句:這個人的訴求,和這場運動的主體訴求一致嗎?
  • 想去了解一個陌生的宗教或文化,走進現場。蘇萊曼給的具體建議很樸素:去一座清真寺,聽一次講道,和不同背景的人聊,問問題。他特別說了一句:穆斯林很樂意被問關於信仰的問題,巴勒斯坦人也很樂意被問關於巴勒斯坦的問題,因為這兩群人都太厭倦聽別人替他們發言了。這個建議可以推廣到任何你不熟悉的群體:與其在二手資訊裡猜,不如去現場問,人的連線沒法被替代。
  • 把"過去的創傷"和"當下的行為"分開評估。蘇萊曼那句"過去的創傷不能為當下的謀殺辯護,對未來的恐懼也不能為當下的謀殺辯護",可以拿到任何衝突場景裡當尺子用。創傷的真實性不需要否認,創傷也不構成豁免權。
  • 對同一場衝突裡的傷亡,用同一套標準去數。弗裡德曼問"殺害婦女兒童、非戰鬥人員,無論誰幹的,是不是恐怖主義",蘇萊曼的回答只有兩個字:"絕對。"這條標準的分量在它的對稱性:一旦它只對一方生效,它就不能再用來衡量任何一方。
  • 留意"誰被當作背景"這個訊號。蘇萊曼整場對話裡最鋒利的一句質問是:為什麼加沙人的苦難,非要等到以色列被攻擊才會被提起。看新聞時可以順手做一個練習:把報道里的人物分成"事件主體"和"事件背景"兩類,看哪一類人的死亡被寫成了日常,哪一類被寫成了突發。
  • 分清一個群體的信仰文字和它的政治動員。蘇萊曼對"伊斯蘭不是和平的宗教"這個指控的回應分兩層:一層是文字比較和降示語境,一層是這套敘事在美國輿論裡的政治功能。看到任何把宗教當成衝突主因的解釋,不妨多問一句:誰從這套解釋裡獲益?
  • 給自己的資訊源做一次視角檢查。他的那句"你必須從他們的眼睛看他們的世界"可以當成一個日常操作:讀完一篇報道,試著用對方的身份重寫一遍開頭,看哪部分資訊消失了。消失的那部分,往往就是這件事真正的重量所在。

蘇萊曼在這場對話裡沒有給出任何讓人鬆一口氣的答案。他說加沙人正在等自己的死,說四十萬人上街在主流媒體裡找不到,說自己隨時可能成為那個和他同名同姓的16歲少年,說癒合要好幾代人。這些話聽著沉重,它們的價值在於具體:具體的人名、具體的日期、具體的數字、具體的機制。

弗裡德曼在節目最後引了馬丁·路德·金那句關於道德宇宙弧線的話。這句話常被用來安慰人,它也可以被當成一個提醒:弧線很長,長到很多人一輩子看不到它彎過來。蘇萊曼在這場對話裡做的事,說到底是拒絕讓那段時間被抹掉,把被切成兩週一條的新聞,重新接回它原本的長線上。

文稿來自 Lex Fridman 官網公開發布的官方 Transcript(含說話人與時間戳)。
Omar Suleiman (00:00:00): You always know when you live in Gaza that it’s only a matter of time before the next bombs drop. You know if you’re in Gaza that you are waiting for your death. People dream about going out in the world and pursuing education. People dream about going out in the world and pursuing economic opportunity. In Gaza, your idea of opportunity is an opportunity to see the next year. That has been the case. And so, when we talk about this not existing in a vacuum, if people only hear about Gaza on October 7th, that is a major part of the problem. And that is, again, part of the problem of our ignorance and our apathy. Why is it that the plight of the people of Gaza is not brought up until an attack happens on Israel? Lex Fridman (00:00:59): The following is a conversation with Imam Dr. Omar Suleiman, his second time on the podcast. He is a Palestinian American, a Muslim scholar, a civil rights leader, president of the Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research, and is one of the most influential Muslims in the world. Our previous conversation was focused on Islam. This time the focus was on Gaza and Palestine. Omar Suleiman (00:01:43): I think the first feeling was that there’s going to be a lot of death and destruction in Gaza as a result. We always kind of see this where one Israeli casualty leads to hundreds of Palestinian casualties, right? So, it’s a pretty familiar cycle in some ways where there are daily transgressions against Palestinians in the West Bank and in Gaza, the checkpoints, the aggression on Mosque Al-Aqsa, the settlements expanding, the stories of Palestinian death. And then you have rockets fired from Gaza, and that’s when the Western press catches up and starts to cover it. Israel responds with Hellfire missiles, white phosphorus bombs, and the casualties are wildly disproportionate. And so, I think that I wasn’t surprised. I prayed for the people that I knew were going to bear the brunt of this outbreak, but the outbreak was predictable. Lex Fridman (00:02:54): You wrote a statement on October 9th. I was hoping to read it, if it’s okay? Omar Suleiman (00:03:01): Yeah, go ahead. Lex Fridman (00:03:02): Our Palestinian casualties are always your footnotes. The daily humiliation of occupation ignored, the aggression by settlers and soldiers alike on holy sites and souls, the annihilation of entire families that follows, the devastation of whatever scraps remain in the open air prison of Gaza, unsustainable and inhumane. So, if you’re waking up to a sudden interest in the region and want to know what’s been happening, dig a bit deeper than two weeks and try to read beyond the headlines of a media that has been dehumanizing us for decades. Omar Suleiman (00:03:39): Again, this was not surprising. This was very predictable. If you’ve been watching what’s been unfolding before October 7th, 2021, Human Rights Watch puts out the report, Threshold reached, Israel is an apartheid state. Amnesty International 2022, the crime of apartheid, showing how all of the legal determinations of apartheid have been reached, the occupations only getting more aggressive. Lex Fridman (00:08:56): You mentioned settlements. So, to you, this is bigger than Gaza. It is the West Bank. It is the Palestinian people broadly. Omar Suleiman (00:09:05): Absolutely. You can’t disconnect Gaza from Palestine. You can’t disconnect the West Bank from Palestine. You can’t disconnect Jerusalem from Palestine. And you can’t disconnect the very human story from the political plight. Lex Fridman (00:10:32): What are the Palestinians in the diaspora feeling? Omar Suleiman (00:10:38): I think deeply frustrated, a great sense of anger, sadness. Every single Palestinian right now knows someone that’s been killed. Every single Palestinian is a part of a story of displacement or destruction. Every single Palestinian has a relative that’s either missing a limb or a loved one. Every single Palestinian in the world is traumatized by this. And in some ways, being outside of Palestine, being away from it all hurts even more because you see your people being killed, and starved, and brutalized, and slaughtered, and you can’t do anything about it. And the people around you are justifying that slaughter. Lex Fridman (00:12:23): You’re somebody who’s always rushed into the midst of a crisis. So, what does it feel like on a personal level to not be able to do that here, to go to Gaza to help? Omar Suleiman (00:12:37): Yeah, it’s really hard. I mean, when any group of people are killed, my instinct, and I think a lot of people is to go there to help, whether it’s a natural disaster or especially after an incident of terror, wherever it is. It’s rush there and do the best that you can to help people get through it. So, it’s been extremely hard to watch this from afar and feel like I can’t do anything about it. And so, that’s why, instead, I think that most of us are driven to continue to be the voice of the voiceless. Lex Fridman (00:14:48): Speaking of the people, the faces, the voices, one of the people you’ve talked about, you’ve posted about, you’ve written about is Wael Al-Dahdouh, him being hospitalized. He’s a Palestinian journalist and the bureau chief of Al Jazeera in Gaza City. What can you tell me about this man? Omar Suleiman (00:15:07): If Wael Al-Dahdouh wasn’t Palestinian, he’d be on the cover of Time Magazine right now. He would be the most celebrated journalist in the world. Wael Al-Dahdouh is from Gaza. He has been in Israeli prisons. He has been under Israeli airstrikes. He has seen the worst of the occupation before. He’s seen the worst of the genocide while on TV. I mean, and this is insane when you think about it. We have over a hundred journalists now, that’s more than any conflict in history, that have been killed. And there is sufficient evidence by international watchdogs that this is intentional. That journalists have been killed intentionally, but then their families. Lex Fridman (00:19:01): You have posted videos and written about what is happening in Gaza since October 7th. What has been happening there, the individual stories and the broader impact on the two million people there? Omar Suleiman (00:19:12): Gaza has been described as the world’s largest open air prison, unemployment, blockaded from all directions, no airport, regular added restrictions placed even on their ability to fish. So, every aspect of Gazan life has been under occupation. I would argue that it’s an injustice to even call it an open air prison because inmates are not bombed in prisons routinely by the most sophisticated weapons in the world. Regular bombardment of Gaza, every single person in Gaza has lived through multiple rounds of bombardment. It is deeply distressing. Lex Fridman (00:22:38): So, pragmatically and psychologically, it’s very difficult to flourish when you’re just waiting for more bombardment. Omar Suleiman (00:22:45): Because you know that it’s around the corner. You always know when you live in Gaza that it’s only a matter of time before the next bombs drop. You know if you’re in Gaza that you are waiting for your death. People dream about going out in the world and pursuing education. People dream about going out in the world and pursuing economic opportunity. In Gaza, your idea of opportunity is an opportunity to see the next year. That has been the case. And so, when we talk about this not existing in a vacuum, if people only hear about Gaza on October 7th, that is a major part of the problem. And that is, again, part of the problem of our ignorance and our apathy. Why is it that the plight of the people of Gaza is not brought up until an attack happens on Israel? Lex Fridman (00:23:45): I’ve gotten a chance to witness a destroyed school in Ukraine. That’s something that is really difficult to see. Omar Suleiman (00:23:57): You have over a hundred destroyed mosques. Every university in Gaza has been demolished. We’re seeing TikTok videos of Israeli soldiers laughing and singing as they press a button. And we see the demolition of every single university in Gaza. Schools have been reduced to rubble. There’s a cultural genocide as well. Lex Fridman (00:25:59): So, those kids growing up in Gaza now, to you, they have almost no choice but to have hatred for Israel? Omar Suleiman (00:26:09): It’s human. I mean, look, any child that is under that type of oppression is going to hate their oppressor. I don’t care who you are. I don’t care what you are. But here’s my problem with how that gets brought up. You’re talking about the future of the security of Israel. Even some people that speak about it seemingly from a place of being well-meaning, that say the only way that Israel can have its security is to stop killing Palestinians. And so, the future of Israel depends upon Palestinians not hating Israel so much. And so, we’ve got to stop tormenting these people so that they don’t grow up to want to torment us. Lex Fridman (00:27:35): When I had a conversation with Elon Musk, he suggested that what Israel should do is conspicuous acts of kindness. So, do as much positive things in Gaza as possible on a basic individual human level and at a policy level at every level. What do you think about that? Omar Suleiman (00:27:56): You don’t pass out candy in a concentration camp, you and the occupation. And so, there has to be a solution that is beyond merely acts of kindness. At the end of the day, if you’re occupying a people, you have to remove that occupation. Apartheid is not dealt with by acts of kindness on the part of the occupying power. Apartheid is dealt with by ending apartheid. And so, there has to be a level of accountability. It’s not just acts of kindness. It’s not just treating the people with more dignity. It’s giving them the ability to pursue their own dignity. Omar Suleiman (00:29:00): To depend on the benevolence of my occupier, and when my occupier feels like throwing me a few more crumbs, it has to end. There has to be a point now where the world says this is not sustainable. It’s not just about ending the present genocide. A ceasefire is the bare minimum. I think any decent human being would be calling for a ceasefire right now, but at some point you cease occupation, you cease apartheid because what led to the ability of Israel to carry out a genocide without any accountability was that the global arena has permitted it to do so, largely due to American obstruction of justice. Lex Fridman (00:29:39): Is violence an effective method of resistance? Omar Suleiman (00:29:45): So, the framework that I would propose is that Dr. King mentioned that peace is not the absence of violence, it’s the presence of justice. And so, occupation and apartheid are violent even in their most benevolent manifestations. The default of occupation is that it is unjustified. The default of apartheid is that it is unjustified, and it must be dealt with. The default of resistance to occupation and apartheid is that it is justified, but there can be transgressions even in resisting occupation and apartheid, right? And I come to this from an Islamic perspective. My moral framework is Islam. The prophet Muhammad, peace be upon Him, was outraged when he saw a woman or a child that was dead from the other side, the side of his persecutor. And so, yes, we have a saying as Muslims that they are not our teachers. Our oppressors are not our teachers, but the concept of resistance to occupation, it is morally justified. It is justified by international law. Any occupied people have the right to defend themselves. Lex Fridman (00:35:34): That said, you did talk about [inaudible 00:35:37] and dignity, and you mentioned transgressions, so there is places where violence can go too far? Omar Suleiman (00:35:46): Absolutely. So violence, again, the point is that you ask yourself why we’ve been silent about the violence all of this time. And you know what? When people say, “Well, what about this? Well, what about that?” My response is this. What I would love to see is effective international bodies of justice, being able to reign in any party that has committed an act of aggression or committed an act of injustice and hold them accountable. Any reasonable human being would say, “Yeah, you know what? There should be effective international bodies that can reign in parties that can’t be reigned in domestically, that could stop the violence. That could assign blame properly, and then have methods of accountability.” The problem is that Israel has been made invincible in the international arena because of the United States. And then we wonder why there’s such a rise in global anti-American sentiment. Lex Fridman (00:38:52): So, to you, violence becomes terrorism when women and children, non-combatants, are killed, no matter who is doing the killing? Omar Suleiman (00:39:02): Absolutely. Absolutely. Lex Fridman (00:39:07): In America, for you, for other Palestinians, other Muslims in your community, what has all of this been like? Omar Suleiman (00:39:20): It feels like there is a return to some of the days after 911, the dehumanization, the feeling of complete disregard for our humanity at the level of government, at the level of media. Feeling of an increase in surveillance, the feeling in an increase in bigotry. People are losing their jobs, and people are being berated on campuses, in grocery stores, and people are being killed. I went to the funeral of a 6-year-old boy who was killed directly due to anti-Palestinian propaganda. And so I think that a lot of us are feeling a return to that, but we also refuse to be cornered into a position where we are told to perpetually condemn acts of violence and not speak about the violence that’s committed against us here or abroad. Lex Fridman (00:40:24): Can you tell the story of this boy, Wadea Al-Fayoume? He’s a 6-year-old Palestinian-American boy who was stabbed 26 times in his home in Plainfield Township, Illinois. It was found to be a hate crime motivated by Islamophobia, and the attacker said, “You, Muslims, must die.” Omar Suleiman (00:40:50): So, before Wadea was killed, Wadea was killed on a Saturday. It was the immediate Saturday after October 7th. I remember on Friday, media starts to reach out to every Imam in the country, every Muslim leader in the country, and say, “What are you going to do about this global day of Jihad? What are you going to do about the global day of Jihad?” It’s like, “What are you talking about?” It’s like, “Well, Hamas has called for a global day of Jihad, so how are you going to stop Muslims from attacking people?” Right? So, it’s Friday, and I’m like, “Well, this is the first I’m hearing from you.” Lex Fridman (00:42:20): And she was attacked, also. Omar Suleiman (00:42:21): She was attacked first. It was actually their landlord. So Hanaan, the mother, was at home with Wadea, 6-year-old boy. Landlord comes in, and with absolutely no emotion, just charges at her, starts with her. She was able to fight him off. Stabbed her initially seven or eight times with a military grade knife. She fought him off, escaped to call 911. And while she is calling 911, she hears Wadea. Wadea ran up to the man, calling him Uncle Joe because the landlord prior to that, had been kind to them, used to give Wadea toys. Wadea had an infectious, beautiful smile. Every picture you see of that kid, beautiful, beautiful, beautiful smile. And so, Wadea runs up to him, says, “Uncle Joe.” He runs up to him to give him a hug, even though he’s carrying a military grade knife with blood on it, because Wadea doesn’t believe that harm can come to him from that man. And Hanaan didn’t think that he would do anything to her kid, even in that fit of rage. The last thing that she says she heard was, “Oh, no,” Wadea the says, “Oh, no.” And then, he starts to stab him 26 times, says, “You, Muslims, must die.” Lex Fridman (00:53:17): There is a deep geopolitical connection between the United States and that part of the world. What is the role of US politicians in all of this? Omar Suleiman (00:53:28): James Baldwin wrote about how Israel was created as an extension of United States policy to be a colonial entity at the gates of the Middle East, and to function essentially as a military base out there, and as a means of extending its policy throughout the Middle East, and it has functioned as such. The United States is not an honest peace broker. It never has been an honest peace broker. The United States has never shown any meaningful inclination towards peace. Has guarded and protected Israel from international accountability, has made Israel invincible. Lex Fridman (00:56:24): So, there’s money that you just mentioned, and bills. And then, there’s rhetoric, which you also criticized, that he spoke about, the beheaded babies and things of that nature, so where has Joe Biden fallen short? Omar Suleiman (00:56:40): We need another podcast. That’s going to take a few hours to talk about where Joe Biden has failed. For one, the first time he seemed to find the word Palestinian in his vocabulary was when he accused the Palestinians of lying about the death toll in Gaza. And then, that turned out to also be false. In fact, the numbers that were coming out of the Gaza Health Ministry, according to multiple international bodies, have been underreporting Palestinian casualty counts. Israeli intelligence has said that the civilian count or the death toll is actually higher than what’s been coming out of the Gaza Health Ministry, so he’s failed on that front. Omar Suleiman (00:58:00): … of reflection. This is a moment of restoration if you want it to be, right? And to think about what we’ve enabled in the first place, he’s shown absolutely no real empathy, and I think that he is under great delusion in thinking that the Muslim community or people of conscience are going to forgive this, are going to forget this come November. You can’t tell us that, ” Well, at least I don’t have the Trump Muslim ban,” while also carrying out a genocide primarily against Muslims and think that the Muslims are still going to vote for you. Lex Fridman (00:58:59): So Biden has lost or is losing the hearts and the support of the Palestinian people and the Muslim people in America? Omar Suleiman (00:59:08): I don’t know if he ever had the hearts of the Muslim community to be honest with you. I personally was never a Joe Biden fan. I think a lot of people felt the same. This country unfortunately, the way that our political system is built is that you’re always voting for the lesser of the two evils. That’s always the way that it is, analyzing which evil is lesser, right? Lex Fridman (00:59:08): Yeah. Omar Suleiman (00:59:27): And when people say, “If you vote for Donald Trump,” and I’m not planning to vote for Donald Trump either, but, “if you don’t vote for Joe Biden, then you are destroying democracy.” I’m like a democracy that’s given us a choice between Donald Trump. And Joe Biden is already a failed democracy, and so he never had the hearts and minds of the Muslim community. People always saw past his rhetoric. He always has had a terrible disposition towards Palestine. He’s always had a terrible disposition towards the Muslim world. His segregationist past comes out sometimes when he starts talking about the Muslim world, and you can hear the racism in his voice and you can hear the way that he talks about Palestinian life in such devalued fashion. Lex Fridman (01:05:35): Do you think there’s something that Donald Trump can do to help move this in the right direction? Omar Suleiman (01:05:45): Trump’s first words were about how he’s going to be worse on this. So he talked about how he’s going to deport people, revoke visas of students that are part of these pro-Palestinian rallies. Lex Fridman (01:06:02): Also, the focus was on the rallies versus what’s going on abroad. Omar Suleiman (01:06:07): Yeah, but look, we had a Donald Trump presidency. He moved the embassy to Jerusalem. He was not better on this. Unfortunately, this is a bipartisan problem. And so again, we’re under no illusion here. We’re not looking to Donald Trump as a savior here, but we are going to penalize Joe Biden, and I can’t speak for everybody, but I think that that’s where a lot of our minds are at right now. Lex Fridman (01:06:29): You spoke at the November 4th demonstration of Washington called the Free Palestine March. It had a lot of people, several hundred thousand people there. What do you remember from that experience? Omar Suleiman (01:06:41): Well, the first thing I remember is that there was no news coverage of it. So 400,000 people march on DC, one of the largest marches in history. It was nowhere to be found in mainstream media coverage. Whereas when the Stand With Israel Rally happened between the 300,000 strong Palestine rally and the 400,000 strong Palestine rally, there was a Stand with Israel rally where congressmen were bused from Congress to speak at that rally, Democrats and Republicans and high profile celebrities, and it was live-streamed across multiple places. I have to say this, the ICJ, if that wasn’t the greatest display of media bias in the domain of United States mainstream media, then I don’t know what is. They live-streamed the Israeli defense on multiple news outlets defending itself against the case for genocide and completely omitted the South African presentation of the crimes of Israel the day before. Lex Fridman (01:09:07): What do you think about the protests on campus against Israel? Omar Suleiman (01:09:13): Every protest I’ve been to has had the exact same tenor, has had the exact same messaging, but you always have that idiot or two that shows up with a sign and no one knows who that idiot is, ironically. Never comes with anybody else, always shows up somehow in the middle of the protest and puts up a sign that says something completely contrary to the messaging of the protest, and then all the cameras shift towards that guy. I see it every single time. But the overwhelming tenor of all of these protests has been consistent. It’s been calling for freedom. It’s been calling for liberation. It’s been calling for an end to the genocide, a ceasefire, an end to the occupation, an end to the apartheid. Lex Fridman (01:13:25): So the average sentiment is anti- occupation, not anti-Semitic? Omar Suleiman (01:13:33): It’s incredibly lazy to say that anti-Zionism or that anti-occupation is anti-Semitic. First and foremost, the Palestinians are a Semitic people. That’s number one. Number two, look, I’m proud of my community. My community has stood against anti-Semitism in this country. The Muslim community has been at the forefront of condemning anti-Semitism. We have stood in front of synagogues. We have stood with the Jewish community when the Jewish community is attacked. This is about occupation. This is a story of a colonial entity that has driven us out of our homes and has done so in such a way that has forced us to try to be the voice of a people that are being exterminated overseas right now. This is not an anti-Semitic movement. This is a pro-freedom movement. Lex Fridman (01:14:28): Do you think the protests ever go too far? Omar Suleiman (01:14:31): The protest scene is a messy scene, and so again, you’re going to have sometimes that odd speaker or people get carried away in their emotions. And yes, sometimes people chant things or do things that are contrary to the protests. It’s pretty unfair when you judge the entire protest movement by some of these incidents that have happened at protests, and you don’t pay attention to what they’re protesting about in the first place, which is a genocide. Right now, everything is secondary to ending a genocide that is ongoing. In the course of this discussion, it’s not an exaggeration to say that at least 30, 40 people would’ve been killed just over the last few hours because we’re averaging 135 to 150 a day. So everything else is secondary to that. This is where we all need to be right now as people of conscience. How do we stop this? Because every single day is deeply costly. Lex Fridman (01:15:27): Do you think there has been a rise of anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim hate in the US? Omar Suleiman (01:15:33): Yeah, I think that’s factual. Look, anti-Semitism is always to be condemned. It’s wrong. It’s something that as a Muslim community and as people of conscience, we have always taken a stand against. Jewish people should not be attacked for being Jewish people here or anywhere else. Synagogues should be protected, and if a person is attacked for being Jewish, we will be the first to go and to stand with them and to reject that attack on them. And there has been, as I said, an inspiring pronounced Jewish presence in the movement to end the occupation. And so we’re being morally consistent here. Lex Fridman (01:16:42): I think we spoke last time, about a year ago, how has your view on Benjamin Netanyahu evolved over time? Omar Suleiman (01:16:53): Benjamin Netanyahu has committed himself to the erasure of Palestinian people and Palestinian symbols and Palestinian land. From the very beginning of his political career, this is who he has been. We just haven’t been listening to him. He campaigned on bigotry and racism and on the promise that there would never be a Palestinian state. He campaigned on the promise that Gaza would be wiped out. He campaigned by saying, “The Arabs are rushing to the polls. We need to make sure that they don’t infect our policy.” He has always been this person. This has always been his policy. He has always indicated that genocide and ethnic cleansing is where he wants to go. So he’s simply manifesting what his message has always been, and anyone that ignores that is being disingenuous. Lex Fridman (01:18:32): So the claim that security of Israel is the primary concern is, you’re saying, a dishonest claim? Omar Suleiman (01:18:42): I think he’s trying to secure his seat in office. He knows his days are numbered. This is not about Israel. This isn’t about the hostages for him. This isn’t about anything but Benjamin Netanyahu, he is a narcissist. He’s a tyrant. He is despised around the world, and I think even amongst Israelis, I think there’s a deep hatred for him. I think the hostages’ families know that he doesn’t care about the families or about the hostages, that he’s driving a political agenda that doesn’t care about people, not Palestinian people or otherwise. Lex Fridman (01:19:56): Do you think Israel has the right to defend his borders? Omar Suleiman (01:20:00): I think Israel has a responsibility to protect those that it occupies. I think you have to ask that question differently. Noura Erakat wrote a tremendous article on this from a legal perspective. When you talk about Israel defending itself, Israel is bound to occupation law. This is the problem all along. When John Kerry said, of course, “The US is great sometimes at issuing inconsequential statements that Israel has to choose whether or not it wants to be a Jewish or a Democratic state, but it can’t be both.” Israel wants to occupy and deny, and at the same time not be held to the standards of being an occupier, but be treated as if it’s some normal state. Lex Fridman (01:22:30): Can you speak to this term “occupation” in Gaza? Because the people that say it is not an occupation say that Israeli troops have been pulled out from there before October 7th for many years. And to you, it still is a de facto occupation. Omar Suleiman (01:22:51): Israel doesn’t get to set the terms and then define them. It is an occupation according to any international legal standard. Israel controls the movement of everyone in Gaza. It controls the air and the seas. It controls the ability to import or export. The people that live in Gaza and the people that live in the West Bank, the Palestinians have had their identity stolen from them. So there’s the freedom of movement. There is the freedom of thriving. There is self-determination. All of that has been stolen from the people of Gaza. There’s no airport in Gaza, that was destroyed by Israel as well. It is an occupation at every level and by any meaningful legal determination. Lex Fridman (01:23:44): What do you think about Yemen’s Houthi rebels attacking Israel in response to October 7th and then the United States and the UK initiating bombing of multiple targets in Yemen in response to that? Omar Suleiman (01:24:00): Yeah. I think that it’s clear that the United States cares more about its shipping lanes than it does about Palestinian lives, and that actually has proved it. Look, I do not support the Houthis as Houthis or their policies in general, but if you look at what has transpired and what they have said, they’re attacking these ships in response to the occupation or in response to the genocide and saying that they will continue to do so, to stop business as usual until a ceasefire is reached. They have not killed anyone. They have seized ships. They have blocked the lanes, but they have said that if a ceasefire happens, they will cease their activity. Lex Fridman (01:25:21): You mentioned paying respects to the legacy of EBJ, Eddie Bernice Johnson, and remembering Palestinian child prisoners. Can you explain? Omar Suleiman (01:25:33): So Congresswoman Eddie Bernice Johnson was one of the few co-sponsors of a bill that has been on the floor of Congress for years, initially sponsored by Congresswoman Betty McCollum to penalize Israel for its detention of child prisoners. Thousands of children arbitrarily detained, put in military courts, solitary confinement, and yes, sexual violence that’s been documented by human rights organizations against them, and there have been no repercussions. So I want you to think about this, just the thought of conditioning aid to Israel so that it doesn’t indiscriminately bomb entire populations has not been able to find any home in mainstream American politics. For years. Just trying to stop Israel from picking up children and throwing them into military prisons where they disappear for decades at times, has not found any thrust in mainstream American politics. Whereas any resolution that is pro-Israel will make it past both chambers relatively quickly. Omar Suleiman (01:27:00): Two million people in Gaza are hostages. Every Palestinian that lives under occupation is a hostage. But all of those prisoners that have been picked up, women, children, innocent people with absolutely no process of making sure that they’re treated right, or given fair trials, or even given a communication line with their families, or with any government to help them, is absolutely criminal. All of those prisoners are also hostages. When you already propose this idea that there are Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners, you’re already implying that one group is complicit in their own devastation, whereas another group has had devastation visited upon them entirely out of their own doing. So it’s important for people to learn about children prisoners who are indeed hostages to an apartheid system. Lex Fridman (01:29:29): And to you, big peace agreements of the like of Abraham Accords should include Palestine. Omar Suleiman (01:29:37): Abraham Accords is nothing but an agreement in which you slap the name of Abraham on arms deals. In exchange for countries being able to undertake their own unholy pursuits, they use one of the holiest names in history and continue to erase the main victims of this atrocity. So the Abraham Accords are an insult to humanity, an insult to the Palestinians, an insult to the name of Abraham. Lex Fridman (01:30:10): But do you think something like that, agreements of that nature, of that scale, could be made that include the Palestinian people and that would actually make progress? Omar Suleiman (01:30:22): If they’re honest to the plight of the Palestinians. If they are honest to the roots of the problem, absolutely. Look, again, peace is sought, but peace cannot be used to silence. The entire peace process has been hung over the Palestinians all of these years while settlements continue to expand and their situation only continue to get worse. Is Israel really going to remove the 700,000, 800,000 settlers and suddenly change its tune on a two-state solution? Benjamin Netanyahu is saying right now, and he’s speaking to, unfortunately, what is clearly a majority of the Israeli public, that there will never be a Palestinian state. So these peace talks cannot be used to suffocate all of the work of justice and bringing Israel to accountability. The world has to act when they see apartheid. The world has to act when they see occupation. If the world fails to bring Israel to a place of accountability, then a few countries that have their own agendas cannot put forth anything meaningful for the victims of Israel, being the Palestinian people. Lex Fridman (01:31:41): There’s a lot of questions I want to ask you about the nature of resistance and what is the proper way to resist. What is the practical, pragmatic, effective ways of resisting. One example that is often brought up is the difference between MLK and Malcolm X. One emphasized nonviolent resistance, the other emphasized any-means-necessary resistance. Which do you side with in general, and in this particular case of what has happened over the past 100-plus days? Omar Suleiman (01:32:18): In general, that framing relies on a sanitization of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and a vilification of Malcolm X, that a lot of people do put forth and present as two polar opposites in how they approached the plight of Black people in America and resisting racism here in America. When I taught a course at Southern Methodist University on MLK, and Malcolm X, and Islam, and the Civil Rights Movement, what I’d often do is I’d give my students a set of quotes. I would say, “Assign this to Malcolm or Martin.” and they’d always get it wrong, right? You can find quotes from MLK in Breaking the Silence, and especially when he took a stand against the Vietnam War, that sound so radical when you compare them to the image of MLK. And Malcolm is, of course, turned into this militant, angry Muslim who just wanted violence and was seeking chaos here in the United States. Lex Fridman (01:36:55): What do you think about the seeming fact the majority of Palestinians support the October 7th attacks? Omar Suleiman (01:37:03): You have to see their world through their eyes. You can’t try to see their world through your eyes. If you live under occupation, you’re routinely harassed at Israeli checkpoints. The occupation is expanding into your territory. You’re meeting families regularly that have been thrown out of their homes and that are looking for a new place in this shrinking territory. You deal with routine airstrikes. You have no way to get out. You have no way to grow. You don’t even have a passport. Your education is subpar. Your standards of living are lower than the rest of the world. And all you hear from the other side, which dominates the discourse and dominates every element of your existence, are promises of complete erasure. Lex Fridman (01:41:04): So as Malcolm X did, you’re calling for highlighting the asymmetry in violence and asymmetry in moral reasoning. Omar Suleiman (01:41:14): Absolutely. It’s important. You’re not going to be able to solve this problem unless you’re able to do that. When Malcolm said that if you stick a knife nine inches into my back and pull it out six inches, that’s not progress. Progress is healing the wounds, and you’re not even willing to acknowledge that the knife is there yet. Those that don’t acknowledge what is determined now by any international human rights organization, even Israeli human rights organization, B’Tselem and others, to be apartheid, a state of apartheid and a state of occupation, and now an unfolding genocide, are not partners for peace. Lex Fridman (01:42:03): It just hurts me to think how long it takes to heal. Even if the healing begins now, with the knife metaphor, it’s just going to be generations. Because people don’t forget when your father and mother were murdered, or somebody that you know in your family was killed. They don’t forget. Omar Suleiman (01:42:32): Look, I think the point is that we have to come to terms with the fact that the trauma of the past does not justify the murder of the present, and the fear of the future does not justify the murder of the present. The urgency of the world right now should be entirely focused on ending this atrocity that, unfortunately, the world has become so complacent with. Again, prior to October 7th, the status quo was not acceptable, and there was no means in sight in the global arena to rein this in, to make Israel more accountable to stop this. Lex Fridman (01:44:22): I was wondering if you can comment on a idea and notion that comes up often in conversations about this, of why can’t other nations in the region take in Palestinian refugees? Omar Suleiman (01:44:41): I think that we have to tackle what’s implied by that at multiple levels, and I actually want to walk back. I was listening to Nikki Haley, when she said in one of her interviews, “Why is it that you think no one wants to take the Palestinians in?” She had this deeply disturbing laugh to it. Or Ben Shapiro, when he said, “Israelis like to build and Arabs like to bomb crap and live in their sewage.” Or, “Why is it that no one wants to govern the Palestinians?” suggesting that Palestinians are ungovernable and not fit to bring into your countries, and that’s why they’re being turned away. Lex Fridman (01:47:58): How difficult has it been for people in Gaza to flee? Omar Suleiman (01:48:03): I mean, they’re blockaded from all directions. There is nowhere for people in Gaza to go. They cannot get out, and the reality is that they don’t want to leave. They do not want to leave. The Palestinian people want to live in their land, in their homes, and to continue to produce an extension of the beautiful culture and legacy that was handed to them. They don’t want to leave. In fact, those that have fled for whatever reason, or have been able to get out for medical treatment, or because they have some sort of citizenship in other countries, all they’re talking about is going back and rebuilding. You can’t bomb Palestine out of our hearts. You cannot starve Palestine out of our hearts. I think that’s a critical mistake that Israel is making. It thinks that if it destroys Gaza enough, if it wipes out all the buildings, that people will never want to come back. But we don’t want to go anywhere, as a Palestinian people, in a way that would remove us from our homes. Lex Fridman (01:49:17): The Palestinian people are proud people. Omar Suleiman (01:49:20): Yeah, you’ve met a lot of them, right? When you sat with Mohammed El-Kurd, or people in East Jerusalem, what those people have been subjected to, the harassment. Think about the tenacity and the character that it takes to still try to walk back into your home after an intruder has been brought in by the state, that’s sitting in your living room, that is pushing you around, and you’re saying, “I’m not leaving my home.” This is literally what’s been happening in East Jerusalem, and we’re not going anywhere. I think those of us that are in diaspora, Palestine is not leaving our hearts, and those of us that are still there are not leaving their land. The world has to make the occupier more accountable, not tell the occupied how to cope. Lex Fridman (01:50:12): Do you ever imagine that if your family did not flee and you were now living, say in Gaza, what you would be doing? Omar Suleiman (01:50:25): I think about what could’ve been all the time. I actually mentioned this in the first D.C. protest, that I remember getting a news notification just prior to October, with my name in it. I always get these notifications, right, if my name has been mentioned in an article. So, “Oh, your name has been mentioned in an article.” and it was a 16-year-old Omar Suleiman who was murdered in the West Bank. He literally had my name. I held up his picture and I realized that could’ve been me. So I think of why God chose me to not be there, and hopefully Him choosing all of us that are not there to be for those that are still there, to be their voices. I’m grateful and I’m also in pain. I’m grateful for the opportunity to be able to speak on their behalf, but I’m also guilty that they have to bear the brunt of this evil hatred that unfortunately displaced our parents in the first place. Lex Fridman (01:51:43): You mentioned that Palestinians invoke the plight of Indigenous people like Native Americans. What works and doesn’t work about this analogy? Omar Suleiman (01:51:53): I think that there’s a powerful connection between the Palestinian people and the Indigenous in this land and in other places that have been wronged. We are living here in the United States on stolen lands that is drenched in the blood of the Natives, and that was built upon with the blood, sweat, and labor of enslaved Africans that were brought from overseas. It’s a great evil that we have to reckon with constantly, so I think that’s the power of solidarity. If you look in Canada and you look in places like Australia, there has been a refocus on the crimes against the Indigenous of those places. Lex Fridman (01:53:32): Why is Palestine a special place, a holy land? Omar Suleiman (01:53:40): It’s the land of prophets. It is a land that holds deep significance, obviously to Jews, Christians, and Muslims. It’s the land of Abraham, peace be upon him. It is the land that has such a rich history to it that connects multiple peoples in multiple ways. It’s precious. I think that history, while it tells the story of tragedy and struggle over that piece of land, also tells a beautiful story of sanctity. Lex Fridman (01:54:12): You mention Abraham, prophets. Prophet Muhammad is deeply venerated in Islam, obviously, but other prophets are as well, Jesus being one of them. What are the similarities and differences in the teachings from these two prophets? Omar Suleiman (01:54:33): Well, Islam refers to this idea of submission to one God and attaining peace in the process. And refers to the way of life that prophets have all come with, which is this idea of monotheism, and serving that one God in the way that he commands you to serve him. So to us, as it says in the Quran that we do not distinguish between the prophets, all of the prophets came with one message, one mission. There’s a coherence in the creed. There is a beauty in the foundation of what would become the legislation of each of those prophets, and we see them all as siblings in prophethood. Omar Suleiman (01:56:00): And so we love the prophets of God and we believe that they each came with the legislation that was necessary for the time, but with the same message. Lex Fridman (01:56:11): So the message is fundamentally the same. Is there a difference in emphasis, for example, the emphasis on love with Jesus? Omar Suleiman (01:56:19): Yeah. It’s like when you talk about MLK and Malcolm to an extent, except there was actually some difference, right, between MLK and Malcolm. I just think that the difference is exaggerated between them. But I don’t think that Moses didn’t emphasize love, but Jesus emphasized love. And then Muhammad didn’t emphasize love, peace be upon them all. I think that they each emphasized the same attributes and names of God and ways of knowing God. But there were, of course, changes within legislation, changes within the divine law, but the divine spirit remained the same. And so I don’t see them as being counter to each other, nor do I see that any prophet betrayed the message that came before them. I think they’re all part of the same beautiful message that we have to be at harmony with our creator and that we turn towards him for our guidance, and that when we do so, we establish a greater existence here on earth. And so I think that that’s something that’s consistent throughout the message of all the prophets. Lex Fridman (01:57:31): You have been longtime friends with and had amazing conversations with people of other faiths, Christian, Jewish. How has the events of October 7th and the days after affected this in the United States? Your ability to have interfaith conversations, connections, relationships, friendships. Omar Suleiman (01:57:57): Complicated. Very complicated. And it’s not just Muslims and Jews, it’s also Christian Zionists. Christian Zionism is at the root of the problem, in my opinion, especially when we talk about what drives America’s unshakable, unconditional commitment to Israel. It’s devastating, I think, to Palestinian Christians in particular when Israel can bomb some of the oldest churches of Christianity in Gaza and kill Palestinian Christians, and Palestinian Christians are barred from going to the Holy Sepulcher or to their places of worship in Bethlehem or Jerusalem, and Christians here in the United States turn their back on them. Lex Fridman (01:59:32): So you wish more rabbis would be able to have a conversation like we’re having today and also not allow it to be seen as them turning their back on their religion? Omar Suleiman (01:59:46): Rabbis, pastors, again, it’s not just Jewish leadership; it’s also Christian leadership. I think that it’s important for those that have claimed to be allies in the fight against Islamophobia, to see that you cannot be opposed to Islamophobia while also extending anti-Palestinian bigotry. Lex Fridman (02:00:09): Yeah, one of the things since we last spoke, I’ve gotten to meet a lot of Palestinian Christians, including in West Bank, and that was fascinating. And those are beautiful people. Omar Suleiman (02:00:20): I think people should watch Reverend Munther Isaac’s sermon on Christmas, Jesus in the Rubble. It was deeply profound. I had a chance to speak to Mitri Raheb from the Lutheran Church there as well. No, they’re devastated. It was eyeopening to many people here when Justin Amash, who was a Republican congressman, right, Palestinian Christian, Republican congressman, posted about his own family dying in one of the church bombings. So it’s strange, strange times. And I think that it shows that the philosophy of hate that drives this terrible policy is secular at it’s root and not religious. Lex Fridman (02:01:10): One of the criticisms of Islam points to specific verses of the Quran and the criticism being that it is not a religion of peace. Can you speak to that? Omar Suleiman (02:01:25): So objectively speaking, if you were to take the verses of the Quran about violence and compare them just from a purely percentage-based comparison to the New Testament and the Old Testament, you would find less verses about war in the Quran than the Old Testament or the New Testament. And there are plenty of studies to speak to that. Deeper than that, contextualizing the birth of Islam, the revelation of the Quran, which was over 23 years in response to deep persecution of the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, makes it very clear that none of those verses are what they’ve been made out to be. If Muslims believed that they had to kill people wherever they are, mankind would not exist. There are two billion of us, right? If we believe that we were called by the Quran to hurt people and to kill people simply for being non-believers, right, it would not make for a sustainable world. Lex Fridman (02:03:34): Why do you think these narratives have taken hold in present discourse, at least in the United States? Omar Suleiman (02:03:39): Because they allow for greater violence against the Muslim community domestically and abroad. The United States has launched wars against primarily Muslim countries, right? And has a particularly violent foreign policy towards the Muslim world. And the Muslim community here in the United States has dealt with, unfortunately, multiple aggressive iterations of programs of suppression and surveillance under Republican and Democratic administrations. And so there’s a convenience to that Islamophobia. There’s a convenience to that framing of the Muslim community that also distracts from other forms of violence that are deeply pervasive and present, including the ones that are committed by the government itself. Lex Fridman (02:04:25): If it’s okay, you’ve mentioned al-Aqsa Mosque a couple of times. I would love it if you can describe why it is such an important place, a holy place for Muslims in general, but also for this particular crisis that we have been speaking about today. Omar Suleiman (02:04:45): So Muslims honor the history of all of the prophets. So all of the prophets that have walked in that place, all of the prophets that have worshiped in that place, all of that makes it sacred. So it’s not separated from Muslims, from post-Muhammad, peace be upon him, versus prior to Muhammad, peace be upon him, in terms of the sanctity of that place. So we honor it. And Masjid al-Aqsa in particular is the place where the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, leads the other prophets in prayer in the night of what’s known as Al-Isra’ wal-Mi’raj, the night journey of the Prophet, peace be upon him, and then he ascends to the heavens and back. And it’s also the first Qibla, which is the first place of direction of prayer for us. So before Muslims faced Mecca and prayer, for the first half of Islam, they actually faced towards Jerusalem in their prayer. Lex Fridman (02:07:01): That’s a really powerful idea. The value of a human being is greater than even the al-Aqsa Mosque. That’s a foundational idea for Islam. Omar Suleiman (02:07:14): The Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, says to the Ka’bah itself that the value of a believer’s dignity and honor is greater than the value of the structure itself. And so when I see a person in Gaza aggressed upon, when I see one [foreign language 02:07:36], when I see one child, that’s greater to me than even al-Aqsa. But al-Aqsa is at the heart of who we are as well. And it’s certainly at the heart of the Palestinian cause. It’s a place of prophets, and it’s a place that should be treated prophetically. Lex Fridman (02:07:57): You mentioned to me that since October 7th, a lot of young people in the United States and in general have been showing interest in Islam. First of all, can you explain what you’ve been seeing and experiencing in terms of that trend? Omar Suleiman (02:08:12): Yeah, we have Quran TikTok trends where you had a few people that went on camera and said, “I’m reading the Quran for the first time.” And I think that that’s the beauty of the faith of the people of Gaza, the beauty of their resilience. When you’re looking at these people living what’s hell on earth, but they’re seeking paradise outside, and they’re able to still be inspired towards words of faith, and determination, and certainty, you’re like, what is their secret? What are they reading? What are they on that allows them to still face this brutality with such grace, right? Lex Fridman (02:09:41): What’s a good way to get introduced to Islam, the faith, the spiritual experience of it? Omar Suleiman (02:09:49): Well, I think, look, you go to our websites, you go to whyislam.org, you come to Yaqeen’s website, yaqeeninstitute.org, you go to multiple Islamic websites to get those questions answered. But there’s nothing like going to a mosque. There’s nothing like actually going to a mosque, and meeting Muslims, and asking questions. And I tell people, you have to step out of your comfort zone and go there and let your world be complicated a bit, experience it, listen to the sermon, meet people from different backgrounds, and ask questions. Muslims love to be asked, by the way, about their faith because they’re so sick of hearing other people talk about it. So Muslims love to be asked about their faith. Palestinians love to be asked about Palestine because they’re so sick of other people talking about it. So ask questions, and you will have them answered. But there’s nothing like a physical connection. There’s nothing like a human connection. So definitely try to reach out to your local Islamic organizations and meet people. Lex Fridman (02:10:57): How difficult is it to convert to Islam? Omar Suleiman (02:11:01): It takes 20 seconds, man. Lex Fridman (02:11:07): Okay. [inaudible 02:11:07] Simple enough. Omar Suleiman (02:11:11): There’s no pool, there’s no baptism. I often joke with people, I’m like, all right, we got the pool in the back. We’re going to do the baptism now. It’s literally testifying to the oneness of God and testifying that Muhammad is his final messenger. And so that’s called the Shahada. And when you testify to the oneness of God and to the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, being his final prophet, you are accepting what’s known as the six articles of faith. Six articles of faith are belief in one God, belief in the angels, belief in the messengers. So you can’t be a Muslim without believing in Jesus, or Moses, or Abraham, or Muhammad to believe in the messages that God has spoken to humanity through divine revelation. The Quran being the last revelation to believe in the day of Judgment and to believe in divine decree and predestination. Lex Fridman (02:13:22): Because for you as a Palestinian-American this year, the Ramadan perhaps would be especially difficult spiritually. What are you anticipating? What do you think is the difference this year? Omar Suleiman (02:13:50): I hope and pray that we have a ceasefire before Ramadan. I hope that at that point we’re rebuilding Gaza, talking about rebuilding Gaza, and helping people that have been damaged in so many different ways. I hope that Ramadan is turning a corner. Every Ramadan, the aggression against the Palestinian people seems to grow. So we’re usually dealing with last the 10 nights of Ramadan, and then the incursions on Masjid al-Aqsa, really sour it for the entire Muslim world because you’re watching worshipers being assaulted in one of the holiest places in the world. And at the same time, you’re trying to find your deep connection, your own deep, holy connection in Ramadan. This time we’re going in, and if this is still ongoing, we are dealing with a continued genocide. So I think that the mood has been somber in the community. The mood has been different from anything I’ve ever seen before. So I anticipate this Ramadan would be different from anything we’ve ever seen before. I think the focus will continue to be on Gaza, and on either stopping the aggression on Gaza, or beginning the rebuilding of Gaza. Lex Fridman (02:15:12): So a general heaviness permeates just your prayers and your thoughts throughout this? Omar Suleiman (02:15:18): Yeah, I mean, look, every sermon I’ve given since October 7th has had to have some inclusion of this because it’s what’s on everyone’s hearts and minds. We also have people in our communities that have lost 20, 30, 40 people in our midst. It’s not the same. If we start to have refugees or people that escape for medical treatment or that are able to get out through Egypt and join their families. It’s becoming more real, right? It’s becoming more personal for people. So I think that Ramadan will surround both in terms of messaging as well as community, the pain of the moment with a prayer for hope and healing. Lex Fridman (02:16:08): Not to put you on the spot, but in your sermons, in your private life, what is the passage in the Quran that is one you find yourself returning to often? Omar Suleiman (02:16:23): The part of the Quran, I get asked this question, that resonates with me most usually has to do with what is heaviest for me at the moment. There is a verse in the chapter of Mary, a part of the verse, [foreign language 02:16:42]. Your Lord does not forget. Your Lord does not forget. And so, as you see what’s transpiring right now, our hope is not in creation, our hope is in our Creator. And our hope is not in this life, our hope is in the afterlife. And so that verse deeply resonates because I think that many of us often wonder how are they going to build? How are they going to get past this? And we know that God has a way of restoring everything. God will restore everything, if not in this life, then in the next. Lex Fridman (02:17:27): So there’s an eternal flame of hope that burns there. Omar Suleiman (02:17:33): Yeah, and the people of Gaza have it. The people of Gaza have it. You can be more easily deluded by this material world if you’re hostage to it. But the people of Gaza have never been deluded by the material world because they never really had it. They’ve always been attached to a greater idea, to a greater place. And so it is part of the secret ingredient that they have, that they believe in something greater than this. And so you can’t survive hell on earth unless you believe in paradise outside of it. Lex Fridman (02:18:15): When you look far into the future, 20, 30, 40 years from now, we’re doing another podcast, and 80s and 90-years-old, what do you hope to see in the Middle East? What do you hope to see change in the Middle East and the United States as a people, as a set of policies, cultures, nations? Omar Suleiman (02:18:42): I think that the nation-state model and nationalism are becoming so unsustainable just with the growth of refugee populations, desperate refugee populations. The rise of, unfortunately, fanaticism and fascism in different parts of the world, climate, and all that that presents to us in terms of displacement. We’re going to have to figure out how to function as a world rather than as nations and states. We’re going to have to figure out how to not see everyone outside of our borders as threats and people that are different from us within our borders as threats. We’re going to have to start seeing people as people. And so my hope would be that we would have made people uncomfortable enough to transcend some of the barriers in their hearts and some of the barriers that we have in the world that don’t allow us to see other people as people. And then that drives horrific policies towards people that are so distant from us. Lex Fridman (02:20:02): You have been fearless in walking through the fire. What gives you strength psychologically to keep going, to speak out, but just also maintain an optimism and a hope for the future? Omar Suleiman (02:20:17): I don’t believe that anyone gives me success or causes me failure without the permission of God. I don’t seek fuel from anyone else. I don’t seek hope from anyone else. I believe in a creator that has a greater plan, and I want to be a greater part of that plan. And I’m inspired by the resilience of the people of Gaza. I’m inspired by the resilience of my parents, and our grandparents, and Palestinians around the world that have refused to succumb to their erasure, that have refused to give up. And so we have both the energy that we need and we have the examples that we need. The energy is from above. The examples are all around us. Lex Fridman (02:21:09): Well, Omar Imam, this is a huge honor to once again speak with you. And I just want to say thank you, not just for this, but for many private notes you have sent me of kindness, and support, and love through some of the low points, as silly as they are for me personally. So it’s just great to be able to call you a friend and to be able to have you in my corner. I’m forever grateful to you for that. Omar Suleiman (02:21:42): I appreciate it. Thank you so much, man. Lex Fridman (02:21:44): And thank you for talking today. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Omar Suleiman. To support this podcast, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now let me leave you some words from Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. “We shall overcome because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice.” Thank you for listening, and hope to see you next time.

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