第 316 期·中文精讀

諾姆·喬姆斯基:普京、烏克蘭、中國與核戰爭

Noam Chomsky: Putin, Ukraine, China, and Nuclear War

語言學家兼政治評論者談俄烏戰爭的根源、大國博弈與核升級風險,以及媒體在其中扮演的角色。

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中文精讀由 AI 基於原始訪談改寫,非官方翻譯,可能存在偏差或錯誤;表述以原音訊與官方文稿為準。說明

“美中若開戰,人類就完蛋了”

2022年8月底,93歲的諾姆·喬姆斯基(Noam Chomsky)遠端連線做了一次訪談,只有一個小時。他說話還是那個節奏,慢,穩,句子長,但每個判斷都砸得很實。

訪談開場沒多久,他就丟擲一句:美中之間如果爆發戰爭,地球上組織化生活的可能性就沒了。他把話反過來說了一遍,更狠:除非美中達成某種共處安排、真正合作,否則有組織的人類社會很難活下去。

環境崩壞、大流行病、核戰爭、民主運轉失靈、理性討論的空間消失。這些問題沒有國界。要麼一起解決,要麼一起沉下去。

整場對話的核心其實不在烏克蘭。烏克蘭是入口。從普京的動機、北約東擴的來龍去脈、美國給烏克蘭的軍援該怎麼用,一路延伸到核戰爭的機率、西方媒體的宣傳機制,最後落在一個更大的判斷上:美國正在親手拆掉自己主導的這套國際秩序,而這個秩序拆完之後,沒有替代品。

普京到底想要什麼

採訪者萊克斯·弗裡德曼(Lex Fridman)上來就問,普京的動機是什麼。權力、遺產、名氣、地緣影響力,還是一個他熱愛的國家的繁榮。

喬姆斯基的回答很乾脆:他對普京的內心沒有特殊洞察,只能看過去二十多年的行動,讀他公開說過的話。

“我沒法讀他的心。我只能看到他一貫推行的政策和他說過的話。”(喬姆斯基)

他給普京的行為列了一條線索。1990年代蘇聯解體後的混亂是起點。戈爾巴喬夫當時提過一個構想,叫“共同歐洲之家”,俄羅斯和西方合作重建,不搞軍事同盟,雙方一起往社會民主方向走。這個構想很快被美國拍死了。克林頓政府上臺後,俄羅斯被誘導接受“休克療法”,經濟被快速市場化碾了一遍,寡頭崛起,死亡率飆升。

也是從克林頓開始,北約東擴啟動。喬姆斯基強調,這是明確違背了當年對戈爾巴喬夫的白紙黑字的承諾。葉利欽反對,其他俄羅斯領導人也反對,但沒用,他們接受了。

普京上臺後接著這條線走,同時把俄羅斯經濟重新拼起來,把社會收進一套深度威權的控制裡,自己站在一個龐大的盜賊統治體系的正中間,據說變得非常富有。

國際層面,他基本延續前任路線。美國幾乎所有跟俄羅斯打過交道的外交官從九十年代起就在警告,說克林頓乾的事,後來布什接著乾的事,是魯莽的、挑釁的。俄羅斯有一條清晰的紅線,在普京之前就有,普京也遵守了:烏克蘭和喬治亞不能加入北約。

2008年,布什正式邀請烏克蘭加入北約,被法國和德國否決,但在美國壓力下這事一直留在議程上。俄羅斯持續反對。美國中情局現任局長和他的前任們都警告過,這麼幹魯莽、挑釁、不該做。還是繼續。

2014年基輔的廣場革命推翻了親俄總統,新政府推出一系列反俄法律。美國和北約開始把烏克蘭實質性地併入北約指揮體系,聯合軍演、訓練、送武器。普京反對,俄羅斯領導層在這個問題上高度一致,但反應有限,還在提那兩個方案:烏克蘭不進北約,頓巴斯獲得某種自治。

也是在2014年,俄羅斯出手拿下了克里米亞,保住了它的溫水港和主要海軍基地。美國反對,也預設了現實,之後幾年沒有爆發大規模衝突。

拜登進白宮以後,把這個程序又往前推了一步。2021年9月提出增強版的對烏備戰計劃,11月用正式宣告固定下來。到這一步,距離入侵已經很近了。普京的立場變硬,法國和德國嘗試過斡旋,被他擋回去,然後就是直接入侵。

所以回到動機。喬姆斯基的判斷是:普京做的就是他一直在說的事。把自己塑造成一個把俄羅斯從廢墟里拉出來、恢復世界大國地位的領導人,阻止烏克蘭進北約,大機率還想控制烏克蘭。很可能到現在,他的立場更硬了,要保住克里米亞和通往俄羅斯的東南走廊,頓巴斯則留一個模糊的安排。

西方流行另一種解釋:普京突然變成了一個想重建俄羅斯帝國的瘋子。喬姆斯基對這個說法很不客氣。他說這套敘事內部自相矛盾。

同一個評論者,一邊說普京有徵服歐洲、攻擊北約的宏大計劃,一邊嘲笑俄軍是紙老虎,連離邊境幾公里的城鎮都打不下來,守那些城鎮的還不是正規軍。這兩件事沒法同時成立。

“我判斷,驅動他的就是他一直在展示的東西:恢復俄羅斯的大國地位,重建經濟,把它牢牢控制成一套徹底獨裁的體制,讓自己和親信富有,在俄羅斯歷史上留下一個大人物的印記,確保烏克蘭不加入北約。到現在,他很可能是把立場收得更緊了。”(喬姆斯基)

誰該負責

弗裡德曼問,2月24日的入侵,責任在誰。

喬姆斯基的回答沒有迴避:任何發動侵略的國家都要負責。他幾個月來一直這麼說,普京對烏克蘭的入侵,和美國入侵伊拉克、斯大林和希特勒入侵波蘭是同一級別的行為,在國際法上屬於最高階別的國際罪行。

“任何實施侵略的勢力都該被追責。普京對烏克蘭的入侵,與美國入侵伊拉克、斯大林和希特勒入侵波蘭是同一級別的行為。”(喬姆斯基)

他也把這條標準用在美國身上。這不是相對主義,是同一把尺子量到底。

但他接著把問題拆成兩半,這一點是整場訪談裡最關鍵的分岔。

軍援該給,但只做了一半

自俄羅斯入侵以來,美國對烏克蘭的軍事援助累計69億美元。弗裡德曼問,這個支援該不該繼續。

喬姆斯基說,這裡有兩個問題,必須分開看。

第一,幫烏克蘭抵禦入侵,完全正當。第二,想辦法在更糟的災難發生之前結束這場罪行。第二半在西方基本沒人討論,誰一提,立刻被口水淹沒。

“如果你真的在乎烏克蘭,你會問兩件事。第一,我們怎麼支援烏克蘭抵禦侵略。第二,我們怎麼推動結束這場戰爭,在它導致烏克蘭更大破壞、全球更多饑荒、讓應對全球變暖的有限努力倒退、甚至升級成核戰爭之前。”(喬姆斯基)

他引用了一句據說是丘吉爾的話。戰爭、戰爭,沒有歡樂、歡樂。喬姆斯基的意思是,如果真在乎烏克蘭和這個世界,就該有“歡樂、歡樂”那一半,也就是想辦法讓罪行停下來。美國官方政策恰恰是拒絕外交解決,目標是把俄羅斯削弱到再也不能發動侵略的地步,但“歡樂”那一半完全不碰。

所以他的結論是:美國該繼續給軍援,但要有校準。目前五角大樓在這件事上反而起了剎車作用。國會里有聲音要設禁飛區,五角大樓反對,理由是對的:要設禁飛區就得控制制空權,就得摧毀俄羅斯的防空系統,而那些系統在俄羅斯境內。沒人知道俄羅斯會不會因此升級。

“到目前為止,五角大樓這個在美國政府裡看起來最鴿派的部門,一直在否決那些很可能通向核戰爭、會把一切都毀掉的方案。”(喬姆斯基)

這個說法有點反常識。國防部門成了鴿派,是因為它最清楚升級鏈條長什麼樣。政治人物和評論員可以談“讓烏克蘭贏”,軍人得算下一步、再下一步。

核戰爭怎麼就“可能”了

弗裡德曼問,21世紀會不會打核戰爭,怎麼避免。

喬姆斯基的回答不留情面:不擔心核戰爭的人,腦子是不轉的。

他說通向核戰爭的臺階很清楚,而且已經有人公開主張往上走。自由派評論員寫文章說別再裝了,直接跟俄羅斯開戰,必須把它摧毀。國會里的頭面人物提禁飛區。現在幾乎人人都說必須確保烏克蘭贏,把俄羅斯人全部趕出去。

這話聽著漂亮。但喬姆斯基讓人注意其中的假設:那個被你們描述成失控瘋子的普京,會安靜坐著接受失敗,悄悄退場,不動用他顯然握在手裡的軍事手段去摧毀烏克蘭。

“西方在拿烏克蘭的命運做一場非同尋常的賭博。賭那個瘋子、那個‘瘋狂的弗拉德’,不會用他手裡的武器毀掉烏克蘭,不會為後來的升級、乃至核戰爭鋪路。這是場很大的賭博。”(喬姆斯基)

他引用當天《華盛頓郵報》一篇長報道,裡面梳理了戰前的情報和 buildup。報道提到一個細節:美國和英國領導人驚訝於普京的打法,他沒有像美英那樣搞“震懾與畏懼”,沒有大規模摧毀通訊設施、能源設施。他們搞不懂他為什麼沒這麼幹。

喬姆斯基把這句話接了回去:如果你想讓那種事真的發生,那就堅持打到底,直到俄羅斯徹底失敗。這是在賭。如果普京真像你說的那樣瘋狂,他大機率會動用還沒用的武器。

宣傳不是撒謊,是選擇

訪談在這裡轉向一個更基礎的問題。弗裡德曼問,今天俄羅斯、烏克蘭、西方的宣傳各有多少。

喬姆斯基說,俄羅斯是徹底的,獨立媒體早被碾平了。烏克蘭在打仗,戰時宣傳可以理解。西方這邊,他引了格雷厄姆·富勒(Graham Fuller)的話。富勒在美國情報系統裡位置很高,幾十年主要管俄羅斯和中亞。富勒說他經歷整個冷戰,從沒見過今天這種程度的極端恐俄症。

喬姆斯基認為這個判斷相當準確。他舉了個具體的例子:美國把俄羅斯媒體下架了。想知道拉夫羅夫(Sergei Lavrov)或其他俄羅斯官員說了什麼,得去半島電視臺、印度國家電視臺之類還允許俄方立場出現的地方找。

然後他區分了兩個概念,這是他和愛德華·赫爾曼(Edward Herman)在《製造共識》(Manufacturing Consent)裡做的事。

宣傳不等於撒謊。

“宣傳體系塑造並限制呈現出來的材料。它可能在這個框架內說的是真話。”(喬姆斯基)

他講了一個例子。自由之家當年出過幾大卷書攻擊媒體,說媒體太對抗、太不誠實,把越南戰爭打輸了。喬姆斯基把兩卷都讀了,一卷是指控,一卷是證據。讀完發現,所有證據都是假的。記者們做的是誠實、勇敢的工作。

但他們在某個框架內工作。那個框架預設美國的事業基本是正義的、體面的,會犯錯,會做壞事,但“美國在犯一場重大的戰爭罪行”這個念頭,是不在討論範圍內的。所以討論會變成這場戰爭裡的這個錯誤、那個暴行,損害了美國做好事的努力。

喬姆斯基說,這不是撒謊,這是宣傳。

那怎麼找到真相。他的回答是這幾句裡最像他本人的:

“這就是你有腦子的用處。這不深,很淺,不是量子物理。花點力氣,想想,去找別的信源,稍微想一下歷史,看看文獻記錄。這些湊在一起,你就能對正在發生的事有個合理的理解。”(喬姆斯基)

如果能坐在普京對面

弗裡德曼問,如果能跟普京坐下來,問他一個問題,會問什麼。

喬姆斯基說他會轉身走出房間,跟對幾乎任何領導人都一樣。他知道對方會說什麼,他讀過那套官方口徑,讀過他的公開講話。對方不想聽他說話。

難道要問:你為什麼要犯下和美國入侵伊拉克、斯大林和希特勒入侵波蘭同一級別的罪行。

他順手把這個問題也用在了肯尼迪身上。如果今天見到肯尼迪,他會問嗎:你為什麼要急劇升級越戰,動用美國空軍,授權使用凝固汽油彈,啟動把村民趕進集中營的專案,就因為你認定他們支援民族解放陣線。當然不會問。

弗裡德曼接著問了一個更道德化的問題:把我們帶進越戰、阿富汗戰爭、伊拉克戰爭、烏克蘭戰爭的那些領導人,是邪惡的嗎。

喬姆斯基的回答沒有被道德情緒帶走:

“處在一個暴力的、侵略性的強國的領導位置上,很難不做出邪惡的事。這些人是邪惡的嗎?我不是他們的道德顧問,我對他們一無所知。我看他們的行動、他們的宣告、他們的政策,評估這些。他們的家人可以去評估他們的人格。”(喬姆斯基)

這句話值得停一下。他不給個人貼善惡標籤,只評估行為。這跟他在整場訪談裡一以貫之的方法論是一回事:看行為,看記錄,不看敘事。

美中開戰,就沒有然後了

訪談的後半段移到了中國。

弗裡德曼問,21世紀美中會不會開戰。

喬姆斯基的回答就是開頭那句:會的話,我們就完了。美中之間的戰爭會摧毀地球上組織化生活的可能性。

他把話反過來說,反而更重:除非美中達成共處、真正合作,否則有組織的人類社會很難存活。環境破壞、大流行病、核戰爭威脅、民主運轉的衰退、理性討論空間的消失,這些都沒有邊界。要麼一起解決,要麼一起沉。

然後他說,美國現在的做法在幫倒忙。

美國的官方政策是公開的,沒什麼秘密:用“哨兵國家”把中國圍起來。韓國、日本、澳大利亞,重武裝,拜登給它們精確制導武器,對準中國,背後是大規模海軍行動。太平洋上剛搞完一場大規模演習,很多國家參加,RIMPAC,美國這邊基本沒報道,但規模巨大,是對中國的威脅。

佩洛西訪臺,喬姆斯基的評價是:高度挑釁、愚蠢的行為,軍方反對,白宮反對。這種事當然會招來危險的反應。

“我們不必這麼做。我們不必增加威脅。”(喬姆斯基)

他提到最近一次北約峰會。第一次邀請環繞中國的哨兵國家參加,把北約的觸角伸到所謂“印太地區”。到這一步,“北大西洋”這個概念已經包括整個印太,目的就是確保能壓住所謂的中國威脅。

那中國威脅到底是什麼。他引了澳大利亞前總理保羅·基廷(Paul Keating)的一篇文章。基廷是國際上很有名的外交人物,文章在澳大利亞媒體上發表,就在“龍爪”底下,逐條過了一遍各種說法,最後得出結論:

“中國威脅就是中國存在。它存在。它不服從美國的命令。它不像歐洲。歐洲照美國說的做,哪怕不喜歡。中國直接無視美國說的話。”(喬姆斯基,轉述保羅·基廷的觀點)

兩套“國際秩序”

這段是整場訪談裡概念密度最高的部分,也最能解釋喬姆斯基怎麼看今天的世界。

他說國際秩序有兩個版本。

一個是聯合國為基礎的國際秩序。理論上美國也簽了,但實際上不接受。為什麼不接受,因為這套秩序禁止美國的外交政策。它明明白白禁止在國際事務中威脅或使用武力,除非在幾乎不會出現的特定情況下。而威脅或使用武力,恰恰就是美國外交政策的日常。找一個沒在國際事務中威脅或使用武力的總統出來看看。所以在憲法上這是最高法律,但沒關係,就是不接受。

另一個是美國說的“基於規則的國際秩序”。這個可以接受,因為規則是美國定的。

“我們想要一個基於規則的國際秩序,美國來定規則。在美國的評論界,甚至學術圈,幾乎百分之百都在呼籲基於規則的國際秩序。這是假的嗎?不,是真的。是宣傳嗎?當然是宣傳,因為它沒說出口的東西,因為它預設的東西。”(喬姆斯基)

他舉了伊朗制裁當例子。美國單方面退出伊核協議,然後要懲罰伊朗,理由是伊朗破壞了協議、違反了安理會決議。歐洲強烈反對這些制裁,措辭很重,但還是遵守了,因為不服從美國的命令太危險。中國直接無視。

中國不遵守這套基於規則的秩序。這就是問題所在。美國國務卿和其他人說得挺直白:中國在挑戰我們的全球霸權。是的,他們在挑戰,他們不接受美國的全球霸權,尤其是在中國近海。

喬姆斯基在這裡做了一個很關鍵的平衡。他說中國幹了很多爛事,內部的壓制、暴力等等。但第一,那不構成對美國的威脅。第二,美國根本不在乎,因為美國對盟友內部的同類罪行接受得很容易,甚至支援。

他舉了美國對外援助的資料。最大的受援國是以色列,幾乎每天都在搞恐怖、暴力和壓制。第二是埃及,埃及歷史上最糟的獨裁之一,六萬左右的政治犯在監獄裡被拷打。

“我們在乎嗎?第二號受援國。我們在說什麼呢?這就是為什麼世界上大部分國家都在笑我們。”(喬姆斯基)

所以他的立場是:該抗議,但別虛偽。美國沒有資格抗議,因為美國在別的地方支援著同樣的事。

全球南方為什麼不站隊

這解釋了一個西方一直想不通的現象:為什麼全球南方不跟美國一起打這場對俄羅斯的代理戰,不一起把俄羅斯削弱到底。

西方的反應是:他們怎麼了。然後去揣摩他們的心理,想找出毛病在哪。

喬姆斯基說,他們的態度是另一回事。他們說,對,我們反對入侵烏克蘭,那是可怕的罪行。但你在說什麼呢。這就是你一直以來對我們做的事。你從來不在乎這樣的罪行。

“這就是全球南方的大部分。我們理解不了這一點,因為我們被隔絕得太厲害,以至於我們顯然是對的,不跟著走的人一定是錯的。”(喬姆斯基)

美國最大的威脅是自己

訪談最後回到美國本身。弗裡德曼問,美國作為全球領導者、作為帝國,會不會在這個世紀崩塌,為什麼,怎麼避免。

喬姆斯基說,美國當然能嚴重傷害自己,現在正在這麼做。當下對美國最大的威脅是內部,是這個國家在把自己撕開。

他讓人看一個最基礎的指標:死亡率。美國是唯一一個不在戰爭中、預期壽命卻在下降、死亡率卻在上升的國家。這在任何地方都不會發生。整體健康結果在發達國家裡幾乎是最差的,而醫療支出大約是發達國家平均水平的兩倍。

所有曲線都在1970年代末、1980年代初開始拐彎。在那之前,美國在死亡率、監禁率、醫療支出這些指標上基本是個正常的發達國家。之後直接掉出了圖表。

“這就是過去四十年的新自由主義衝擊。它對美國造成了重大影響,留下了大量憤怒、怨恨和暴力。”(喬姆斯基)

與此同時,共和黨整個漂出了正常光譜。它已經不是通常意義上的政黨。它的主要政策就是阻擋一切,以便重新奪權。麥康奈爾幾乎公開這麼說,整個國會按這個執行。這不是一個政黨的行為。

民主在退,暴力在升。最高法院是記憶裡最反動的一屆,一路往19世紀退,一個接一個判決,方向是造一個白人至上主義基督教民族主義者的國家。讀阿利托、托馬斯、戈薩奇的判詞,這一點幾乎不遮掩。

他講了一個細節。托馬斯在最近那個推翻紐約州隱蔽攜槍限制的判決裡,論證的路子是這樣的:美國這個社會腐朽、崩塌、可憎到這個地步,人們就是得有槍。你怎麼能指望一個人在這個國家這麼噁心的環境裡不帶槍去雜貨店。

喬姆斯基說,這不是托馬斯的原話,但這就是他的意思。

還有一個他覺得很病態的例子。美國的基礎設施,橋樑、地鐵,狀況糟糕,美國工程師協會每年給它打不及格。國會終於透過了一個有限的基礎設施法案。結果這個法案必須叫“中國競爭法案”。

“我們不能因為橋在塌了才去修橋,我們必須為了打敗中國才去修橋。這是病態的。”(喬姆斯基)

希望在哪裡

弗裡德曼最後問,什麼讓你對美國、對人類文明的未來抱有希望。

喬姆斯基的回答沒有給安慰。人類文明活不下去,除非美國在應對和克服這些嚴重危機上帶頭。美國是人類歷史上最強大的國家,沒有可比的物件。美國做什麼,對世界有壓倒性的影響。

美國單獨退出巴黎協定,堅持最大化使用化石燃料,拆掉那些還能起一點緩解作用的監管體系。特朗普時期就是這麼幹的。這是對文明未來的一擊。今天共和黨控制的州說,要懲罰那些在投資中考慮氣候變化的公司。

“美國在告訴全世界:我們想毀掉我們所有人。這不是他們的原話,但這就是他們的意思。”(喬姆斯基)

所以他的結論落在一個政治判斷上:只要還存在一個只為奪權、只為利潤最大化、不管後果的政治組織,人類文明就沒有未來。

這句話很重,但和他整場訪談的方法是一致的。他不談人性,不談善惡,談結構和激勵。當政治組織的目標函式只剩下奪權和利潤,長期後果就不在計算之內。

訪談結束,弗裡德曼用伏爾泰的一句話收尾:殺人是被禁止的,所以所有殺人犯都會受罰,除非他們殺的人足夠多,並且有軍號伴奏。

這場訪談真正在說什麼

把一小時的內容壓一壓,喬姆斯基其實在做三件事。

第一,他用同一把尺子量所有國家。普京的入侵是最高階別的國際罪行,美國入侵伊拉克也是。中國內部的壓制該被批評,美國支援埃及、以色列的同類行為也該被批評。這不是各打五十大板,是拒絕在測量之前先選好立場。這也是他為什麼反覆說“美國沒有資格抗議”:不是說不該抗議,是說帶著 hypocrisy 去抗議,效果是讓全球南方笑你。

第二,他把“宣傳”和“撒謊”拆開了。這個區分對今天讀新聞的人特別有用。媒體很少直接編造事實,記者多數在做誠實的工作。問題在於框架:哪些事被放進討論,哪些事被預設排除。美國在越南犯的是“錯誤”還是“罪行”,這一個詞的選擇,就決定了後面所有討論的邊界。識別宣傳,不需要抓謊,需要看邊界在哪。

第三,他反覆指出一種自相矛盾。說普京是想要征服歐洲的瘋子,同時嘲笑他的軍隊連邊境小鎮都打不下來,這兩句話不能同時為真。說中國是生存威脅,同時承認它的“威脅”是不服從美國命令,這個論證就露底了。他不提供答案,他提供一種檢查論證是否自洽的習慣。

至於烏克蘭,他的立場從頭到尾沒變,也不好聽:軍援該給,但只做這一半是不夠的。另一半是怎麼在更糟的事情發生之前停下來。這一半在西方媒體和政界基本是禁區。他把這個禁區指出來,不保證停得下來。他只說,不談這一半,是在賭。

如果你想把這場訪談用起來

  • 讀國際新聞時,先問一句“哪些選項沒被擺上桌”。喬姆斯基說宣傳靠的不是撒謊,是邊界。看一篇報道支援什麼很容易,看它默許排除了什麼,才看得出框架。
  • 遇到一個論證,檢查它內部是否自洽。同一批人一邊說對方強大到要征服歐洲,一邊說對方軍力是紙老虎,這種矛盾一旦出現,就該停下來想。
  • 把“該不該支援防禦”和“怎麼結束戰爭”當成兩個獨立問題。這兩個問題被合併成一個,是討論卡死的常見原因。生活裡的爭論也一樣,先分清哪些是目標,哪些是手段。
  • 別用善惡標籤代替行為分析。喬姆斯基不談領導人的人格,只看行動、宣告、政策。這個習慣在判斷公司和同事時同樣好用,人格解釋不了的事,記錄能解釋。
  • 看一個國家的對外援助流向,比聽它的價值觀宣言更能說明它真正在乎什麼。這條對機構和個人都成立:看資源流向,不看口號。
  • 把“我們顯然是對的,不跟著走的人一定錯了”當成一個警報。喬姆斯基說美國理解不了全球南方,就是因為被隔絕得太厲害。任何讓你覺得“不同意的人都有問題”的環境,都值得懷疑。
  • 最後一條,也是他自己做的:花點力氣,去找第二個信源,看一眼歷史記錄。他說這不深,不是量子物理,就是有腦子該乾的事。
文稿來自公開 Kaggle 資料集(rajneesh231/lex-fridman-podcast-transcript),為早期自動轉錄存檔,可能存在識別錯誤。
Will there be a war between U.S. and China in the 21st century? If there is, we're finished. A war between the U.S. and China would destroy the possibilities of organized life on Earth. The following is a conversation with Noam Chomsky, his second time on the podcast. This episode is focused on the war in Ukraine. And it is a departure from the way I usually do this podcast in several ways. Noam is a strong and healthy 93 year old, but this conversation is remote to be cautious. It is brief, only one hour. It is more of an interview than a conversation due to the limitations of our audio and video connection. I decided it's best to get Noam's clear thoughts on this war and the complicated geopolitics of today and the rest of the 21st century that is unrolling before us, with our decisions and actions fully capable of either helping humanity flourish or unleashing global destruction and suffering. As a brief aside, perhaps you know this, but let me mention that I traveled to Ukraine and saw, heard, felt things that are haunting and gave me a lot to think about. Because of that, I've been really struggling to edit the videos I recorded. I hope to finish it soon. I'm sorry for these delays, and I'm especially sorry to the people there who gave me their time, their story, their heart. Please be patient with me. I hope you understand. This is the Lex Readman Podcast. To support it, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here's Noam Chomsky. You have studied and criticized powerful leaders and nations in times of global conflict and struggles for power. So let me ask you, what do you think motivates Vladimir Putin? Is it power, legacy, fame, geopolitical influence, or the flourishing of a nation he loves and represents? I have no particular insight into Putin's mind. I can only watch the actions over the last 20, 25 years and read the statements. Took power about almost 25 years ago, has held it since as prime minister or president. His first task was to try to overcome the chaos and disarray of the 1990s. During the 90s, Gorbachev had a proposal, he called for a cooperative enterprise with the West. They would share an effort to rebuild what he called a common European home, in which there would be no military alliances, just Russia, Western US accommodation, with a move towards social democracy and former USSR and comparable moves in the United States. Well, that was quickly smashed. The United States had no interest in that. Clinton came along pretty soon, early 90s. Russia was induced to adopt what was called shock therapy, a harsh, quick market transformation, which devastated the economy, created enormous social disarray, rise of what are called oligarchs, kleptocrats, high mortality. And Clinton started the policy of expanding NATO to the East in violation of firm, unambiguous promises to Gorbachev not to do so. Yeltsin, Putin's friend, opposed it. Other Russian leaders opposed it, but they didn't react. They accepted it. When Putin came in, he continued that policy. Meanwhile, did reconstruct the Russian economy. Russian society became a viable, deeply authoritarian society under his tight control. He himself organized a major kleptocracy with him in the middle, apparently became very wealthy. On the international front, he pretty much continued the former policies as US diplomats, practically every diplomat who had any contact with Russia had been dispatched there, knew about it, as they all warned from the 90s that what Clinton was doing, expanded by Bush afterwards, was reckless and provocative, that Russia did have a clear red line before Putin, which he adhered to, namely no NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia. This is pretty much how things went on through the 2000s. In 2008, President Bush did invite Ukraine to join NATO. That was vetoed by France and Germany, but under US pressure, it was kept on the agenda. The Russians continued to object. Western diplomats, including the present current head of the CIA and his predecessors, warned that this was reckless, provocative, shouldn't be done, continued. Putin didn't do much. He stayed with it until pretty recently. After 2014, the uprising that threw out the former president, who was pro Russian, instituted anti Russian laws. The United States and NATO began a policy of moving to effectively integrate Ukraine into the NATO command, joint military exercises, training, sending weapons and so on. Putin objected. Other Russian leaders objected. They're unified on this, but didn't do much. They continued with the proposals that Ukraine be excluded from NATO, and that there be some form of autonomy for the Donbass region. Meanwhile, in reaction to the uprising, the Maidan Uprising 2014, Russia moved in and took over Crimea, protecting its warm water base and major naval base. The US objected and recognised it, but things continued without notable conflict. I won't go through all the details. When Joe Biden came in, he expanded the program of what US military journals call a defective integration of Ukraine within NATO, proposed September 2021, proposed enhanced program of preparation for NATO mission, extended with a formal statement in November. We're now practically up to the invasion. Putin's position hardened. France, mainly France, to an extent Germany, did make some moves towards possible negotiations. Putin dismissed them, moved on to the direct invasion. What are his, to get back to your question, what motivates him? I presume what he's been saying all along, namely establishing his legacy as a leader who overcame the extensive destruction of Russia, massive weakening over it, restored his position as a world power, prevented Ukraine from entering NATO. It may have further ambitions as to dominating and controlling Ukraine, very likely. There is a theory in the West that he suddenly became a total madman who wants to restore the great Russian empire. This is combined with the gloating over the fact that the Russian military is a paper tiger that can't even conquer cities a couple of kilometers from the border, but defended not even by a regular army. But somehow along with this, he's planning to attack NATO powers, conquer Europe, who knows what. It's impossible to put all these concepts together. They're totally internally contradictory. So what's my judgment? I think what motivates him is what he's been demonstrating in his actions. Restore Russia as a great power, restore its economy, control it as a total dictatorship, enrich himself and his cronies, establish a legacy as a major figure in Russian history, make sure that Ukraine does not join NATO, and probably by now he's hardened the position, maintain Crimea and the southeastern corridor to Russia, and some ambiguous agreements about the Donbass region. That looks like his motivation. There's much speculation that goes beyond this, but it's very hard to reconcile with the assessment of the real world by the same people who are making the grandiose speculations. I don't think anything's changed. It seems to me his policies are about the same as what they were. They've changed in response to changed circumstances. So very recently, right before the invasion, a few weeks before, for the first time, Putin announced recognition of the independence of the Donbass region. That's a stronger position than before, much stronger. Up till then, he had pretty much kept to the longstanding position of some kind of accommodation within a federal structure in which the Donbass region would have considerable autonomy. So that's a harshening of the position. So even the human mind of Vladimir Putin, the man? I can't read his mind. I can only see the policies that he's pursued and the statements that he's made. There are many people speculating about his mind. And as I say, these speculations are, first of all, not based on anything. Never said anything about trying to conquer NATO. But more importantly, they are totally inconsistent with the analyses of Russian power by the same people who are making the speculations. So we see the same individual speculating about Putin's grandiose plans to become Peter the Great and conquer, start attacking NATO powers, on the one hand saying that, on the other hand gloating over the fact that his military powers so minuscule he can't even conquer towns a couple miles from the border. Well, it's impossible to make sense of that position. Why did Russia invade Ukraine on February 24th? Who do you think is to blame? Who do you place the blame on? Well, who's to blame? Any power that commits aggression is to blame. So I continue to say, as I have been for many months, that Putin's invasion of Ukraine is on a par with such acts of aggression as the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the Stalin, Hitler invasion of Poland, other acts of supreme international crime under international law. Of course he's to blame. The U.S. committed $6.9 billion in military assistance to Ukraine since the Russian invasion. Should U.S. keep up with this support? There are two questions. One has to do with providing support for defense against the invasion, which is certainly legitimate. The other is seeking ways to end the crime before even worse disasters arise. Now that second part is not discussed in the West, barely discussed. Anyone who dares to discuss it is immediately subjected to a flood of invective and hysterical condemnation. But if you're serious about Ukraine, there are two things you ask. One, what can we do to support Ukraine in defense against aggression? Second, how can we move to end the war before it leads to even worse destruction of Ukraine, more starvation worldwide, reversing the limited efforts to deal with global warming, possibly moving up an escalation out of the war, the nuclear war. That's the second half of the borrow, a phrase attributed to Winston Churchill. There's a lot of war, war, but no joy, joy, joy. And there ought to be joy, joy if you care about Ukraine and the rest of the world. Can it be done? We don't know. Official U.S. policy is to reject a diplomatic settlement, to move to weaken Russia severely so that it cannot carry out further aggression, but not do anything on the joy, joy side, not think of how to bring the crimes and atrocities to an end. That's the second part of the question. So, yes, the U.S. should continue with the kind of calibrated support that's been given. The Pentagon wisely has vetoed initiatives to go well beyond support for defense up to attack on Russia. So far, the Pentagon, which seems to be the dovish component in the U.S. administration, has vetoed plans which very likely would lead on to nuclear war, which would destroy everything. So calibrated provision of weapons to blunt the offensive, allow Ukraine to defend itself, if sensible, combined with efforts to see if something can be done to bring the crimes and atrocities to an end and avert the much worse consequences that are in store, that would be instead the U.S. only dealing with the first. And all of our discussions limit themselves to the first in the United States and in Britain, not in Europe. Do you worry about nuclear war in the 21st century? How do we avoid it? Anyone who doesn't worry about nuclear war doesn't have a gray cell functioning. Of course, everyone is worried about nuclear war, or should be. It's very easy to see how steps could be taken, even been recommended, that would lead to nuclear war. So you can read articles even by liberal commentators who say we should drop all the pretenses, just go to war against Russia. They have to be destroyed. You can see proposals coming from Congress, the leading figures, saying we should establish a no fly zone. Pentagon objects. They point out correctly that to establish a no fly zone, you have to have control of the air, which means destroying Russian air defense systems, which happen to be inside Russia. We don't know that Russia won't react. Even the call, now almost universal, to ensure that Ukraine wins, drives out all the Russians, drives them out of the country, sounds nice on paper, but notice the assumption. The assumption is that Vladimir Putin, this madman who just seeks power and is out of control, will sit there quietly, accept defeat, slink away, not use the military means that of course he has to destroy Ukraine. One of the interesting comments that came out in today's long article, I think Washington Post reviewing a lot of leaks, actually not leaks, actually presented by U.S. intelligence and U.S. leaders about the long build up to the war. One of the points it made was surprised on the part of British and U.S. leaders about Putin's strategy and his failure to adopt, to fight the war the way the U.S. and Britain would, with real shock and awe, destruction of communication facilities, of energy facilities and so on. They can't understand why he hasn't done all that. If you want to make it very likely that that will happen, then insist on fighting until somehow Russia faces total defeat. Then it's a gamble, but if he's as crazy and insane as you claim, presumably will use weapons that he hasn't used yet to destroy Ukraine. So the West is taking an extraordinary gamble with the fate of Ukraine. Gambling that the madman, lunatic, mad Vlad won't use the weapons he has to destroy Ukraine and set the stage for escalation of the latter which might lead to nuclear war. It's quite a gamble. How much propaganda is there in the world today in Russia, in Ukraine, in the West? It's extraordinary. In Russia, of course, it's total. Ukraine is a different story. They're at war. They expect propaganda. In the West, let me quote Graham Fuller, very highly placed in U.S. intelligence, one of the top officials for decades dealing mostly with Russia and Central Asia. He recently said that in all the years of the Cold War, he's never seen any extreme Russia phobia to the extent that he sees today. I think that's pretty accurate. I mean, the U.S. has even canceled Russian outlets, which means if you want to find out what Sergei Lavrov or other Russian officials are saying, you can't look it up on their own outlets. You have to go through Al Jazeera, Indian state television or someplace where they still allow Russian positions to be expressed. And of course, the propaganda is just outlandish. I think Fuller is quite correct on this. In Russia, of course, you expect total propaganda. There's nothing, any independent outlets such as there were have been crushed. If the media is a source of inaccuracies and even lies, then how do we find the truth? I don't regard the media as a source of inaccuracies and lies. They do exist. But by and large, media reporting is reasonably accurate. Reporters, the journalists themselves, as in the past, do courageous, honest work. I've written about this for 50 years. My opinion hasn't changed. But they do pick certain things and not other things. There's selection, there's framing, there's ways of presenting things. All of that forms a kind of propaganda system, which you have to work your way through. But it's rarely a matter of straight, outright lying. So there's a difference between propaganda and lying? Of course, a propaganda system shapes and limits the material that's presented. It may tell the truth within that framework. So let me give you a concrete example, which I wrote about extensively. I have a book called Manufacturing Consent jointly with Edward Herman. It's about his term, which I had accepted a propaganda model of the media. A large part of the book is defense of the media. Defense of the media against harsh attacks by Freedom House. Several volumes they published attacking the media, charging that the media were so adversarial and dishonest that they lost the war in Vietnam. Well, it took the trouble of reading through the two volumes. One volume is charges, the next volume is evidence. Turns out that all of the evidence is lies. They had no evidence. They were just lying. The media, in fact, the journalists were doing honest, courageous work. But within a certain framework. A framework of assuming that the American cause was basically just, basically honorable, making mistakes, doing bad things. But the idea of questioning that the United States was engaged in a major war crime. That's off the record. So unfortunately, there was this crime and that crime which harmed their effort to do good and so on. Well, that's not lying, it's propaganda. So how do we find the truth? How do we find the truth? That's what you have a brain for. It's not deep. It's quite shallow. It's not quantum physics. Put a little effort into it. Think about, look for other sources. Think a little about history. Look at the documentary record. They're all pretty well fools together and you can get a reasonable understanding of what's happening. If you could sit down with Vladimir Putin and ask him a question or talk to him about an idea, what would you say? I would walk out of the room, just as with almost any other leader. I know what he's going to say. I read the party line. I read his pronouncements. Doesn't want to hear from me. Am I going to say, why did you carry out a crime that's comparable to the US invasion of Iraq and the Stalin Hitler invasion of Poland? Am I going to ask that question? If I met with John F. Kennedy today, would I ask, why did you radically escalate the war in Vietnam, launch the US Air Force, start authorized napalm, drive launch programs to drive villagers who you know are supporting the National Liberation Front, drive them into concentration camps to separate them from the forces they're defending? Would I have asked him that? Of course not. Do you think the people who led us into the war in Vietnam, the war in Afghanistan and Iraq, the war in Ukraine are evil? I mean, it's very hard to be in a position of leadership of a violent, aggressive power without carrying out evil acts. Are the people evil? I mean, I'm not their moral advisors. I don't know anything about them. I look at their actions, their statements, their policies, evaluate those. Their families can evaluate their personalities. Will there be a war between US and China in the 21st century? If there is, we're finished. A war between the US and China would destroy the possibilities of organized life on Earth. In fact, we can put it differently. Unless the US and China reach an accommodation and work together and cooperatively, it's very unlikely that organized human society will survive. We are facing enormous problems, problems, destruction of the environment, endemics, threat of nuclear war. None of these decline of democratic functioning of an arena for rational discourse. None of these things have boundaries. We either work together to overcome them, which we can do, or we'll all sink together. That's the real question we should be asking. What the United States is doing is not helping. So the current US policy, which is perfectly open, nothing secret about it, is to what's called encircle China with sentinel states, South Korea, Japan, Australia, which will be heavily armed, provided by Biden with precision weapons aimed at China, backed by major naval operations, huge naval operations just took place in the Pacific. Many nations participating, RIMPAC didn't get reported here, as far as I know, but an enormous operation threatening China. All of this to encircle China, to continue with policies like that. Somebody like Pelosi, just to probably make her look more, I don't know what her motives are, taking a highly provocative, stupid act, opposed by the military, opposed by the White House. Yes, acts like that, which of course called for the response of highly dangerous. We don't have to do that. We don't have to increase the threat. I mean, right now, the last NATO summit, take a look at it. For the first time, it invited to attend countries that are in the sentinel states surrounding China and circling China from the east. And it, in fact, extended the range of NATO to what's called the Indo Pacific region. So all of us by now, the North Atlantic includes the whole Indo Pacific region to try to ensure that we can overcome the so called China threat. Certainly, we might ask exactly what the China threat is. It's done sometimes. So former prime minister of Australia, Paul Keating, well known international diplomat, had an article a while ago in the Australian press. That's right in the claws of the dragon asking, going through what the China threat is. He ran through the various claims, finally concluded the China threat is that China exists. It exists. It does not follow U.S. orders. It's not like Europe. Europe does what the United States tells it to do, even if it doesn't like it. China just ignores what the U.S. says. There's a formal way of describing this. There are two versions of the international order. One version is the U.N. based international order, which theoretically we subscribe to, but we don't accept. The U.N. based international order is unacceptable to the United States because it bans U.S. foreign policy. Literally, it explicitly bans the threat or use of force in international affairs, except under circumstances that almost never arise. Well, that's U.S. foreign policy. Try to find a president who isn't engaged in the threat or use of force in international affairs. So obviously we can't accept the U.N. based international system, even though under the Constitution, that's the supreme law of the land. It doesn't matter. So the United States has what's called a rule based international order. That's acceptable because it's the United States that sets the rules. So we want a rule based international order where the U.S. sets the rules. In commentary in the United States, even in scholarship, almost 100 percent calling for a rule based international order. Is that false? No, it's true. Is it propaganda? Of course it's propaganda because of what's not said and because of what's presupposed. An answer to an earlier question. Well, China does not accept the rule based international order. So when the U.S. imposes demands, Europe may not like them, but they follow them. China ignores them. So take, for example, the U.S. sanctions on Iran. The U.S. has to punish Iran because the United States pulled out of the, unilaterally pulled out of the Iran nuclear agreements. So in order to punish Iran for wrecking the agreements in violation of Security Council orders, we impose very harsh sanctions. Europe strongly opposes the sanctions, condemn them harshly, but it adheres to them because you don't disobey U.S. orders. That's too dangerous. China ignores them. They're not keeping to the rule based international order. Well, that's unacceptable. In fact, it's said pretty openly. You can hear the Secretary of State and others saying China is challenging our global hegemony. Yes, they are. They don't accept U.S. global hegemony, especially in the waters off China. They do a lot of rotten things, China. I mean, internally, there's all kind of repression, violence and so on. But first of all, that's not a threat to us. And second, the U.S. doesn't care about it because it easily accepts and supports comparable crimes and atrocities internal to allies. So, yes, we should protest it, but without hypocrisy. We have no standing to protest it. We support comparable things in all sorts of other places. Just take a look at the U.S. foreign aid. The leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid is Israel, which is engaged in constant terror, violence and repression, constant, almost daily. Second leading recipient is Egypt, one of the worst dictatorships in Egypt's history. About 60,000 people in jail, political prisoners tortured and so on. Do we care? Second leading recipient. I mean, what are we talking about? That's why most of the world just laughs at us. There's a lot of failure to understand here about why the global South doesn't join us in our proxy war against Russia, fighting Russia until it's severely weakened. They don't join us. Here, the question is, what's wrong with them? They look into their minds to figure out what's wrong. They have a different attitude. They say, yes, we oppose the invasion of Ukraine, terrible crime. But what are you talking about? This is what you do to us all the time. You don't care about crimes like this. That's most of the global South. We can't comprehend that because we're so insulated that we are just obviously right and everyone who doesn't go along must be wrong. Do you think the United States as a global leader, as an empire, may collapse in this century? Why and how will it happen and how can we avoid it? The United States can certainly harm itself severely. That's what we're doing right now. Right now, the greatest threat to the United States is internal countries tearing itself apart. I really don't have to run through it with you. Take a look at something as elementary as mortality. The United States is the only country outside of war, life expectancy is declining, mortality is increasing. It doesn't happen anywhere. You take a look at health outcomes generally. They're among the worst among the developed societies and health spending is about twice as high as the developed societies. You look at the charts, all of this starts around the late 1970s, early 80s. If you go back to that point, the United States was pretty much a normal developed country in terms of mortality, incarceration, health expenses, other measures. Since then, the United States has fallen off the chart. It's gone way off the chart. Well, that's the neoliberal assault of the last 40 years. It's had a major effect on the United States. It's left a lot of anger, resentment, violence. Meanwhile, the Republican Party has simply drifted off the spectrum. It's not a normal political party in any usual sense, not what it used to be. Its main policy is block anything in order to regain power. That's its policy, stated almost openly by McConnell, followed religiously by the entire Congress. That's not the acts of a political party. Of course, democracy has declined. Violence has increased. The judgements, the decisions of the Supreme Court, the court's the most reactionary court in memory. To go back to the 19th century, decision after decision is an effort to create a country of white supremacist Christian nationalists. I mean, scarcely hidden, if you read the opinions of Alito, Thomas, Gorsuch, and others. So yes, we can destroy ourselves within. And in fact, the ways we're doing it are almost astonishing. So it's well known, for example. Everybody knows that U.S. infrastructure, bridges, subways, and so on, is in terrible shape, needs a lot of repair. The American Association of Engineers gives it a failing mark every year. Finally, Congress did pass a limited infrastructure bill, say rebuild bridges and so on. It has to be called a China Competition Act. We can't rebuild their bridges because they're falling apart. We have to rebuild their bridges to beat China. It's pathological. And that's what's happening inside the country. Take Thomas's decision in the recent case in which he invalidated a New York law. This is last October, a couple of weeks ago, and validated a New York law going back to 1913 that required people to have some justification if they wanted to carry concealed weapons in public. He went through that with a very interesting decision. He said the United States, he said, is such a decaying, collapsing, hateful society that people just have to have guns. I mean, how can you expect somebody to go to the grocery store without a gun in a country as disgusting and hideous as this one? It's essentially what he said. Those weren't his words, but they were the import. What gives you hope about the United States, about the future of human civilization? Human civilization will not survive unless the United States takes a leading position in dealing with and overcoming the very severe crises that we face. The United States is the most powerful country, not only in the world, but in human history. There's nothing to compare with it. What the United States does has an overwhelming impact on what happens in the world. When the United States alone pulls out of the Paris agreements on dealing with climate change and insists on maximizing the use of fossil fuels and dismantling the regulatory apparatus that provides some mitigation. When the United States does that, as it did under Trump, it's a blow to the future of civilization. When Republican states today, right now, say they're going to punish corporations that seek to take climate change into account and their investments. The U.S. is telling the world, we want to destroy all of us. Again, not their words, but their import. That's what they mean. So as long as we have a political organization dedicated to gaining power at any cost, maximizing profit, no matter what the consequences, no future for human civilization. Noam, thank you for talking today. Thank you for talking once again. And thank you for fighting for the future of human civilization. Again, thank you. Thank you. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Noam Chomsky. To support this podcast, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, let me leave you with some words from Voltaire. It is forbidden to kill. Therefore, all murderers are punished unless they kill in large numbers, and to the sound of trumpets. Thank you for listening and hope to see you next time.

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