第 291 期·中文精讀

喬納森·海特:反對社交媒體的理由

Jonathan Haidt: The Case Against Social Media

社會心理學家論證社交媒體如何損害青少年心理健康,並討論家庭與監管層面的應對思路。

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馬克·扎克伯格在 Lex Fridman 的節目上說過一句話:“更準確的描述應該是,使用 Instagram 對青少年的心理健康總體上是正面的。”

他當時在回應弗朗西斯·豪根(Frances Haugen)的指控。扎克伯格的意思是,豪根把內部研究曲解了,十八項指標裡只有一項顯示負面影響。

喬納森·海特(Jonathan Haidt)聽到這段話之後的反應,是開啟三個 Google Doc。

他在紐約大學教社會心理學,研究道德判斷如何運作,寫過《正義之心》(The Righteous Mind)和《嬌慣的心靈》(The Coddling of the American Mind)。2022 年他在《大西洋月刊》發了一篇長文,標題很不客氣:《為什麼過去十年美國人的生活變得格外愚蠢》。那三個文件裡裝著一百多項研究,按“支援”“反對”“結果混雜”分欄排列,任何研究者都可以進去評論、補充、反駁。

海特在播客裡說,扎克伯格那句話錯了,而且錯得很具體。

從道德心理學到“社會宇宙的結構變了”

要理解海特為什麼盯上社交媒體,得先看他的學術軌跡。

1992 年他從賓夕法尼亞大學拿到博士學位,研究方向是道德心理學。他去巴西和印度做田野,看不同國家的道德觀念如何分化。九十年代正好是美國文化戰爭開始升溫的十年,他看著左右兩派慢慢變成兩個互不通婚的部落,覺得文化心理學的工具應該能派上用場。

2000 年代初,他開始為極化程度感到不安,於是去研究極化的成因。他原本打算寫一本書幫民主黨糾正錯誤,因為他的研究顯示,右派其實相當瞭解左派在想什麼,在美國長大的人不可能不知道進步派的主張。但他自己在左派環境里長大,對保守派的想法一無所知,直到他主動去找《國家評論》這類刊物來讀。

寫《正義之心》的過程中,他給自己定了一條規矩:只讀保守主義思想傳統裡最好的作品,不讀最差的。讀完的結論是,這個傳統裡有大量有價值的社會科學洞見。他的目標也從“幫民主黨贏”變成了“幫左右兩派互相理解”。

這條線索跟社交媒體還沒有關係。他自己說,2009 年註冊了 Twitter,也沒怎麼當回事。

“然後 2014、2015 年,大學裡的事情開始爆掉。”(喬納森·海特)

2014 年 5 月,格雷格·盧基安諾夫(Greg Lukianoff)找到他,說學校裡在發生怪事:學生因為一個自己不必去聽的演講者而情緒崩潰,用“危險”“暴力”這樣的詞來形容一場講座。兩人後來合寫了《嬌慣的心靈》,那本書主要講的不是社交媒體,講的是抑鬱和焦慮的上升,以及一種扭曲的思維訓練方式如何被教給了學生。

書出版之後,事情變得更糟,而且是在所有地方同時變糟。海特這才開始認為,問題出在更底層的層面:社會宇宙的結構本身變了。從那以後,他的研究重心徹底轉向社交媒體。

2012 年前後,所有曲線同時拐彎

他先講資料。

關於青少年的心理狀態,有幾套互相獨立的追蹤體系。一套是自報問卷,問青少年最近有多抑鬱、多焦慮、多孤獨,聯邦政府的全國藥物使用與健康調查、皮尤、蓋洛普都做了幾十年。另一套是行為資料,自傷住院記錄和自殺統計。

這些曲線在 2000 年代基本是平的,小幅波動。然後到了 2010 到 2013 年之間,取決於看哪個指標,它們同時開始往上衝。

增幅在 50% 到 150% 之間。百分之十、百分之二十那種量級根本沒法比。

女孩的情況更嚴重,青春期前的女孩最嚴重。10 到 15 歲女孩的自殺率在 2010 到 2015 年之間翻了一倍。海特說這個數字時要加一句“幸好基數很低”,但翻倍就是翻倍。

美國之外也在發生同樣的事。加拿大和英國的曲線幾乎一模一樣,澳大利亞和紐西蘭類似,只是晚了一點。德語國家和歐洲大陸的情況沒那麼清晰,海特說這跟童年形態的差異有關,後面會講到。

他知道有人會說,相關性不等於因果。電視觀看量在五六十年代上升,不代表電視導致了犯罪率變化。這個反駁他接受。

但他不接受另一個反駁:自報資料不可信,Z 世代只是更願意談論心理問題,所以數字漲了,問題沒漲。

“那我們只要去看自傷和自殺的住院資料就行了,趨勢一模一樣。”(喬納森·海特)

住院記錄裡是一個個真實的孩子,因為割傷自己被送進醫院。問卷填寫的偏差解釋不了這個。

他還提到一個時間點。《嬌慣的心靈》出版前一天,《紐約時報》登了一位精神科醫生的評論文章,標題大意是“放鬆,智慧手機沒在毀掉你孩子的大腦”,理由是這些只是自報資料,診斷變多了,底層沒變。海特說,這篇文章發表的時機讓他印象很深。

“吃土豆”那個類比是怎麼被造出來的

有一篇被引用極廣的論文,結論是社交媒體對心理健康的危害不比吃土豆更大。這個說法流傳甚廣,海特說他走到哪裡都能聽到。

他花了不少篇幅拆這個說法。

第一,那篇論文研究的東西跟社交媒體差得很遠。它測的是“數字媒體使用”這個大雜燴,裡面包括看 Netflix、用電腦做作業、所有螢幕時間。混在一起算,相關係數確實只有 0.03 左右,接近零。

第二,一旦把範圍縮小到社交媒體本身,相關係數就會變大,通常是兩三倍。再縮小到女孩身上,又會變大一次。

那篇論文的作者之一、牛津大學的艾米·奧本(Amy Orben)後來自己做了綜述,結論是社交媒體使用與幸福感之間的相關係數在 0.15 到 0.2 之間。海特和吉恩·特溫吉(Jean Twenge,《iGen》的作者)分別算出的女孩資料大概在 0.2 到 0.22。

0.2 聽起來是個很小的數字。海特專門解釋了它在公共衛生領域意味著什麼。

“公共衛生領域的相關係數幾乎從來不會超過 0.2。兒童時期鉛暴露和成年後 IQ 的相關係數是 0.09。”(喬納森·海特)

鉛暴露是一個被嚴肅對待了幾十年的公共健康問題,相關係數只有 0.09。現實世界裡的測量總是嘈雜的,人不像實驗室裡的變數那樣聽話。一個穩定在 0.15 的相關性,攤到幾千萬孩子、每人好幾年時間上,足以解釋一整場心理健康流行病。

海特在這裡補了一句方法論上的話:他和特溫吉把所有研究整理進 Google Doc,按“支援”“反對”“混雜”分類,然後公開邀請批評者進來補充。理由是,他們倆在書裡已經公開說過這些平臺對孩子不好,天然帶著確認偏誤。對付確認偏誤的唯一辦法,是找一群持有不同確認偏誤的人。他說自己是約翰·斯圖爾特·密爾的信徒。

糖這個比喻從根上就不對

海特認為,現有研究裡有一個根本性的框架錯誤。

絕大多數研究用的是“劑量反應模型”:把社交媒體當成糖,少量無害,大量有害,然後去爭論每天用多少小時算過量。這個框架聽起來合理,也符合很多人的直覺。

他的反駁是,社交媒體跟糖差得太遠。它做的是對整個童年形態的一次重新佈線。

人類這個物種的童年是在混齡群體裡度過的。孩子在外面玩,做大人的事,跑腿,打鬧,在沒有成人監督的情況下自己解決衝突。大腦在這個過程裡發育,人由此長成成年人。

九十年代,這套東西被拆掉了。理由是社會治安的恐懼,讓孩子獨自在外面玩被當成失職。海特在這裡點名推薦萊諾·斯凱納齊(Lenore Skenazy)的《自由放養的孩子》(Free Range Kids),以及他和斯凱納齊、彼得·格雷(Peter Gray)、丹尼爾·舒克曼(Daniel Shuchman)一起創辦的非營利組織 Let Grow,目標是改掉那些不允許孩子獨自外出玩耍的法律和規範。

所以,童年形態的重構在社交媒體出現之前就開始了。

然後智慧手機來了。

Z 世代(1996 年後出生)是歷史上第一代在青春期之前就用上社交媒體的人。千禧一代要到大學才接觸,而 Z 世代可以謊報年齡註冊。他們大約在 2009、2010 年開始大規模上線,兩年後抑鬱資料開始上翹。

海特說,這個因果鏈條的落點在“別的什麼都沒了”上,“玩了多久”那個變數反而次要。

“設想一所中學,所有人都有 Instagram 賬號,全天候的戲劇,所有人都在刷、在發、在焦慮。再設想另一種情況:學校規定手機必須鎖進櫃子,誰都不能有賬號,所有家長都同意。前者意味著在青春期經歷這一切,後者不是。”(喬納森·海特)

他特別強調最後那句話裡的家長環節。家長之所以允許孩子用 Instagram,是因為孩子說“別人都有”。典型的集體行動困境就此形成:任何單個家長退出,代價由自己的孩子承擔,所以沒人敢先退出。

男孩和女孩上網的地方不一樣

2010 到 2012 年之間,青少年的社交生活發生了徹底變化。2010 年之前他們還沒普遍擁有智慧手機,2012 到 2014 年之間幾乎人手一臺,成為日常使用者。

但男孩女孩去的平臺不一樣。

女孩去 Instagram 和 Tumblr,視覺驅動的平臺。男孩去 YouTube 和電子遊戲。

後一類對心理健康的危害看起來小得多,甚至可能沒有危害。海特說,真正把女孩心理健康打垮的是 Instagram 和 Tumblr。遊戲本身是一種玩耍,只是缺了身體的部分。十二個小時的遊戲意味著十二個小時沒有身體活動,但遊戲本身算不上有毒。

關於 YouTube,他明確表示自己瞭解不夠,不做判斷。他承認 YouTube 極其有用,很多知識和教育資源靠它傳播,同時也承認它幫助極端組織和殺人犯完成激進化。他談 YouTube 的方式和談網際網路整體一樣:一箇中性的、雙向放大的基礎設施。

順帶一個來自奧本和安德魯·普日貝爾斯基(Andrew Przybylski)的研究結論:傷害最大的是 11 到 13 歲的女孩。海特的推論是,對這個年齡段不存在“安全劑量”,唯一可行的方案是讓青春期之前的孩子完全不接觸“使用者就是產品”的商業模式,把年齡門檻提到 16 歲,並且真正執行。

逐條拆解扎克伯格那句話

回到那句“整體上是正面的”。

海特手裡有三類證據。

第一類是相關性研究。一百多項,絕大部分指向同一個方向,效應量在 0.1 到 0.15 之間,聚焦到女孩身上更高。

第二類是實驗研究。真正做了隨機分組的實驗,多數顯示出效應。

第三類是當事人證詞。直接問女孩:你覺得 Instagram 對你的心理健康整體上是好還是壞?

“你找不到一群女孩說‘哦太好了,馬克你說得對,它整體是好的’。女孩自己說,這是主要原因。”(喬納森·海特)

三類證據指向同一個方向。海特說,這個領域早些年確實混亂,研究結論互相沖突,但現在把這些研究放在一起看,故事已經相當清楚。

他不肯管成年人,但拒絕讓平臺管他的孩子

Lex 提了一個問題:能不能設計出一種平臺,追求的目標是讓人變得更抗壓、更成長,而不是抑鬱、自傷、自殺?把目標函式從“參與度”換成別的東西。

海特的回答分兩半。

對成年人,他不下判斷。他說自己有很多自由意志主義的朋友,一旦開始主張“這對成年人有害,應該禁止”,這些朋友就沒了。他自己用 Twitter,理由是發訊息方便。他承認 Lex 說的那點:社交媒體確實能減輕孤獨感,能帶來一點幽默,在全球範圍內把人連起來,尤其在疫情那樣的時期。這些正面效應很難測量,討論的時候應該誠實地承認這是一筆交易。

對孩子,他的態度完全相反。他不接受 Facebook 和 Instagram 在他不知情、也無法干預的情況下替他管孩子。

他講了自己家的情況。他阻止了孩子註冊 Instagram,造成了一些麻煩,但孩子後來感謝他,因為他們自己也看出來那上面很蠢:發的那些東西,形成的那些文化,孩子自己都覺得蠢。

關於“能不能設計出對孩子安全的版本”,他的回答是悲觀的。他認定這樣的版本做不出來。對孩子真正健康的只有一樣東西:自由玩耍。九十年代已經被剝奪了大半,螢幕時間越多,自由玩耍越少。孩子需要大量沒有成人監督、沒有成人調解的衝突,那是社交能力的訓練場。

參議院聽證會上,他要的是資料

海特兩週前去參議院一個小組委員會作證,主題是內特·佩爾西利(Nate Persily)提出的《平臺問責與透明法案》。主持的是本·薩斯(Ben Sasse)和克里斯·庫恩斯(Chris Coons)。

他在聽證會上提交的檔案標題很直白:《青少年心理健康正在崩塌,社交媒體是主要成因之一》。裡面全是圖表,論證四件事:這場危機具體表現為情緒障礙,不是所有心理指標一起變;它不只在自報資料裡,行為資料同樣;增幅極大;它有性別差異,並且出現在多個國家。他說這部分沒有人跟他爭論。

他真正想要的東西是資料訪問權。

現在的困境是:一個孩子刷了兩小時 Instagram,然後抑鬱了,或者沒抑鬱,或者半年後自殺了。這中間的因果關係,研究者看不到。只有平臺自己知道。學術界的全部依據是自報問卷,而平臺內部有完整的行為日誌。

“應該強制平臺披露去標識化的資料,讓學術研究者能看到孩子做了什麼、情緒怎麼變、一個人自殺之前發生了什麼。我們現在完全不知道。”(喬納森·海特)

目前流出的相關資訊,主要來自內部洩密。海特對此保持了剋制:洩密材料本身也可能有選擇性偏差,最好能有非洩密的、制度化的資料通道。

疫情那兩年,如果只有電話和 Zoom

Lex 提了一個反事實:疫情期間如果沒有社交媒體,人會不會被困在家裡更慘?

海特的回答是,我們還有簡訊、電話、Zoom、Skype、多人聯機遊戲、WhatsApp、部落格,以及整個網際網路。人類不會被困死。真正的問題在於,那些超級病毒式平臺在疫情期間還額外做了什麼。

它們讓一些資訊傳得更快,包括科學資訊。同時它們製造了大規模的錯誤資訊爆炸和政治極化。結果是三分之一的美國人不再相信醫學權威說的話。海特在這裡補了一句:醫學權威自己有時候也在玩政治遊戲,這讓他們的可信度進一步下降。雙向的失信鏈條就這樣轉起來。

所以他的結論是,在已經有網際網路、智慧手機、部落格的前提下,再加入“使用者生成內容吸引流量、使用者本身賣給廣告商”這一套商業模式,淨收益是不清楚的。

他反覆強調自己跟盧德分子沒有共同語言。讓人互相連線是好事,電話是巨大進步,免費長途更好,視訊通話更好。他反對的物件範圍窄得驚人:網際網路、技術、智慧手機,這些都不在靶子上,所有社交媒體也不全是。剩下的是 Facebook 開創的那套模式:用激勵驅動使用者生產內容,內容帶來更多使用者,使用者作為產品賣給廣告商。他認為這套模式對 10 到 14 歲的女孩傷害最大,對民主制度的傷害同樣嚴重,因為它生產憤怒、製造衝突、摧毀任何共享的敘事。

那麼,能做什麼

海特在整場對話裡給出的方案,落點比“少刷手機”具體得多。他自己也承認,這些建議會讓一些人不舒服,因為它們要求成年人先承擔成本。

  • 16 歲之前,不讓孩子接觸“使用者即產品”的平臺。海特的原話是提高年齡門檻並真正執行,覆蓋 Instagram、TikTok、Facebook、Twitter 這一類。他認為不存在對青春期前兒童安全的版本,奧本和普日貝爾斯基的研究顯示 11 到 13 歲女孩受傷最深。
  • 把這件事當成集體行動問題來處理,不要單打獨鬥。孩子要賬號的理由永遠是“別人都有”。單個家庭退出的代價全落在自己孩子身上。有效做法是聯合同班、同年級的家長一起定規矩,或者推動學校層面統一政策。
  • 推動學校執行手機入櫃。海特舉的理想場景是:進校手機鎖進櫃子,所有家長都同意。這在一些學校和學區已經做成了,關鍵是把預設值從“允許”改成“不允許”。
  • 把自由玩耍的時間還給孩子。這是海特認為唯一真正對孩子有益的東西:沒有成人監督、沒有成人調解的混齡玩耍,孩子在其中自己處理衝突。九十年代被拿走的那部分,現在需要主動還回去。
  • 家長自己去讀兩本書。萊諾·斯凱納齊的《自由放養的孩子》,以及海特和盧基安諾夫的《嬌慣的心靈》。前者講怎麼把童年還給孩子,後者講大學裡那套扭曲的思維訓練是怎麼形成的。Let Grow 這個組織的網站上有推動社群改變的現成工具。
  • 關注平臺透明度立法。海特在參議院要的核心東西是去標識化的行為資料訪問權。目前所有公開研究都建立在自報問卷上,平臺內部握著完整日誌。支援這類立法,等於給研究者一把能開啟黑箱的鑰匙。
  • 成年人自己用,但別把預設選項交給推薦演算法。海特明確表示不願意管成年人怎麼用社交媒體,他自己也在用 Twitter。他劃的線是:成年人的選擇歸成年人,孩子的選擇不該由平臺在父母不知情的情況下代管。
  • 想追原始材料,去 JonathanHaidt.com/socialmedia。那三個 Google Doc、聽證會檔案、上百項研究的分類整理都在那裡,公開可查,也開放評論。

整場對話裡,海特最不肯讓步的一點,跟具體某個平臺無關。他說,一個人不可能在只看一個視角的情況下真正理解任何事。這句話他當年是用來理解保守派的,現在用來理解社交媒體。他自己帶著確認偏誤進場,於是把批評者請進文件裡,讓對立雙方的偏見互相抵消。

這個方法比結論更值得帶走。面對一個自己已經站好隊的議題,先去找那些最有能力反駁自己的人,把他們的論據放進同一個檔案裡。

文稿由本站用語音識別模型(基於官方釋出音訊)機器轉寫,可能有識別錯誤,人名與數字請以音訊為準。
Lex Fridman Podcast #291 – Jonathan Haidt: The Case Against Social Media Machine transcription by Qwen3-ASR 0.6B (MLX, local, Apache-2.0). May contain recognition errors. The following is a conversation with Jonathan Height, social psychologist at NYU and critic of the negative effects of social media on the human mind and human civilization. He gives a respectful but hard hitting response to my conversation with Mark Zuckerberg, and together him and I try to figure out how we can do better, how we can lessen the amount of depression and division in the world. He has brilliantly discussed these topics in his writing, including in his book *The Codling of the American Mind* and in his recent long article in the Atlantic titled *Why the Past Ten Years of American Life Have Been Uniquely Stupid*. When Teddy Roosevelt said in his famous speech that it is not the critic who counts, he has not yet read the brilliant writing of Jonathan Height. I disagree with John on some of the details of his analysis and ideas, but both his criticism and our disagreement is essential if we are to build better and better technologies that connect us. Social media has both the power to destroy our society and to help it flourish. It's up to us to figure out how we take the letter path. And now a quick few second mention of each sponsor. Check them out in the description. It's the best way to support this podcast. We got Uncruise for adventure, Notion for startups, Blinkist for non fiction, Magic for snacks and Eight Sleep for sweet sweet naps. Choose wisely, my friends. And now onto the full ad reads. No ads in the middle. I hate those. I try to make these ad reads interesting, but if you skip them, please to check out our sponsors. I enjoy their stuff. Maybe you will too. This show is brought to you by Uncruise Adventures, small ships, cruises, sailing to Alaska, Mexico, Costa Rica, Hawaii, and so on. 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Yeah, actually, the rise and fall of the Third Reich unfortunately is not on there. There is not many books about Hitler or Stalin on there, perhaps for a good reason. But the best I would say non fiction books are all on there. So you are talking about Sapiens, Meditations by Marcus Aurelius. It goes on and on. I use it for all kinds of reasons. So one of course is to review the books I've already read. Two is to select the books I want to read in the future. And three, perhaps most powerfully, is books that I just don't have time to read but are culturally and intellectually important. This life is about hard choices, and for the books you don't choose, sometimes Blinkist can save your ass. As a listener, you can get a free seven day trial and twenty five percent off of a Blinkist premium membership at blinkist dot com slash lex. This episode is also brought to you by an old and favorite sponsor of this podcast. My fellow travelers on this journey of the podcast is Magic Spoon. 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Eight Sleep currently ships within the United States of A, Canada and the United Kingdom. Enjoy your sleep. Enjoy your nap, friends. This is the Lex Friedman podcast. To support it, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here is Jonathan Height. So you have been thinking about the human mind for quite a long time. You wrote the happiness hypothesis, the righteous mind, the codling of the American mind, and today you are thinking you are writing a lot about social media and about democracy. So perhaps if it's okay, let's go through the thread that connects all of that work. How do we get from the very beginning to today with the good, the bad, and the ugly of social media? So I am a social psychologist, which means I study how we think about other people and how people affect our thinking. And in graduate school at the University of Pennsylvania, I picked the topic of moral psychology and I studied how morality varied across countries. I studied in Brazil and India. And in the nineties, I began. This was like I got my PhD in nineteen ninety two, and in that decade was really when the American culture war kind of really began to blow up. And I began to notice that left and right in this country were becoming like separate countries. And you could use the tools of cultural psychology to study this split, this moral battle between left and right. So I started doing that, and I began growing alarmed in the in the early two thousands about how bad polarization was getting, and I began studying the causes of polarization. You know bringing moral psychology to bear on our political problems. And I was originally going to write a book to basically help the Democrats stop screwing up because I could see that some of my research showed people on the right understand people on the left. They know what they think. You can't grow up in America without knowing what progressives think. But here I grew up generally on the left and I had no idea what conservatives thought until I went and sought it out and started reading conservative things like National Review. So originally I wanted to actually help the Democrats to understand moral psychology so they could stop losing to George W. Bush, and I got a contract to write the righteous mind. And once I started writing it, I committed to understanding conservatives by reading the best writings not the worst, and I discovered you know what you don't understand anything until you look from multiple perspectives, and I discovered there are a lot of great social science ideas in the conservative intellectual tradition. And so and I also began to see you know what America is actually in real trouble and this is like two thousand eight two thousand nine things are really we're coming apart here. So I began to really focus my research on helping left and right understand each other and helping our democratic institutions to work better. Okay, so all this is before I had any interest in social media. You know I was on Twitter I guess like two thousand nine and you know not much didn't think about it much, and then so I am going along as a social psychologist studying this, and then everything seems to kind of blow up in twenty fourteen twenty fifteen at universities, and that's when Greg Lukianov came to me in May of twenty fourteen and said John weird stuff is happening, students are freaking out about a speaker coming to campus that they don't have to go see and they're saying it's dangerous it's violence like what is going on, and so anyway Greg's ideas about how we were teaching students to think in distorted ways that led us to write the codling of the American mind, which wasn't primarily about social media either it was about you know this sort of a rise of depression anxiety, but after that things got so much worse everywhere and that's when I began to think like well something systemically has changed something has changed about the fabric of the social universe and so ever since then I've been focused on social media. So we're going to try to sneak up to the problems and the solutions at hand from different directions. I have a lot of questions whether it's fundamentally the nature social media that's the problem, it's the decisions of various human beings that lead the social media companies that's the problem, is there still some component that's highlighted in the codling of the American mind, that's the individual psychology at play or the the way parenting and education works, to make sort of emphasize anti fragility of the human mind, as it interacts with the social media platforms and yeah the humans through the social so all that beautiful mess that should take us an hour to to to cover or maybe a couple of years yes but so let's start if it's okay, you said you wanted to challenge some of the things that Mark Zuckerberg has said in a conversation with me, what are some of the ideas he expressed that you disagree with. Okay, there are two major areas that I study. One is what is happening with teen mental health. It fell off a cliff in twenty thirteen. It was very sudden, and then the other is what is happening to our democratic and epistemic institutions. That means knowledge generating like universities journalism. So so my main areas of research where I am collecting the empirical research and trying to make sense of it is what's happened to teen mental health and what's the evidence that social media is a contributor, and then the other area is what's happening to democracies not just America and what's the evidence that social media is a contributor to the dysfunction. So I am sure we'll get to that because that's what the Atlantic article is about, but if we focus first on what's happened to teen mental health. So before I read the quotes from Mark, I'd like to just give the overview, and it is this: there is a lot of data tracking adolescents, there are self reports of how depressed, anxious, lonely. There is data on hospital admissions for self harm, there is data on suicide, and all of these things they bounce around somewhat, but they're relatively level in the early two thousands, and then all of a sudden around you know around twenty ten to twenty thirteen depending on which statistic you are looking at, all of a sudden they begin to shoot upwards, more so for girls in some cases, but on the whole it's like up for both sexes, it's just that boys have lower levels of anxiety and depression so the curve is not quite as dramatic, but what we see is not small increase it's not like oh ten percent twenty percent, no the increases are between fifty and one hundred fifty percent, depending on which group you are looking at, you know suicide for pre teen girls thank thankfully it's not very common, but it's two to three times more common now or by twenty fifteen it had doubled between twenty ten and twenty fifteen it doubled, so something is going radically wrong in the world of American preteens, and what we so as I've been studying it I found first of all it's not just America it's identical in Canada and the UK, Australia New Zealand are very similar they're just after a little delay so whatever we're looking for here but but yet it's not it's not as clear in the Germanic countries it's in continental Europe it's a little different and we can get into that when we talk about childhood, but something's happening in many countries that and it started right around twenty twelve twenty thirteen it wasn't gradual, it hit girls hardest and it hit pre teen girls the hardest, so what could it be, nobody has come up with another explanation, nobody it wasn't the financial crisis that wouldn't have hit pre teen girls the hardest, there is no other explanation the complexity here and the data is of course as everyone knows correlation doesn't prove causation, the fact that television viewing was going up in the fifties and six or in the sixties and seventies doesn't mean that that was the cause of the crime, so what I've done and this is work with Gene Twangy, who wrote the book I Gen is because I was challenged you know when I when Greg and I put out the book the codling of the American mind, some researchers challenged us and said oh you don't know what you are talking about, you know the correlations between social media use and mental health they exist but they're tiny it's it's you know like correlation coefficient of point oh three or you know a beta of point oh five, you know tiny little things and one famous article said it's no bigger than the correlation of mental of bad mental health and eating potatoes, which exists but it's like it's so tiny it's zero essentially, and that that claim that social media is no more harmful than eating potatoes or wearing eyeglasses it was a very catchy claim and it's caught on and I keep hearing that, but let me unpack why that's not true and then we'll get to what Mark said because what Mark basically said here I'll actually read it and by the way just a pause real quick is, you you implied but let's just make it explicit that the best explanation we have now is you are proposing is that a very particular aspect of social media is the cause, which is not just social media but the the like button and the retweet a certain mechanism of virality that that was invented or perhaps some aspect of social media is the cause good idea let's be clear, connecting people is good I mean overall the more you connect people the better, giving people the telephone was an amazing step forward giving them free telephone you know free long distance is even better video is I mean so connecting people is good I am not a ludite, and social media at least the idea of users posting things like that happens on LinkedIn and it's great it can serve all kinds of needs, what I am talking about here is not the internet it's not technology it's not smartphones and it's not even all social media, it's a particular business model in which people are incentivized to create content and that content is what brings other people on and the people on there are the product which is sold to advertisers, it's that particular business model which Facebook pioneered, which seems to be incredibly harmful for teenagers especially for young girls ten to fourteen years old is where they're most vulnerable, and it seems to be particularly harmful for democratic institutions because it leads to all kinds of anger conflict and the destruction of any shared narrative, so that's what we're talking about we're talking about Facebook Twitter I don't have any data on TikTok I suspect it's going to end up being having a lot really bad effects because the teens are on it so much and to be really clear since we're doing the nuance now in this section lots of good stuff happens, you know a lot there is a lot of funny things on on Twitter I use Twitter because it's an amazing way to put out news to put out when I write something you know you know you and not you know use it to to promote things we we learn things quickly, well there could be now this is harder to measure and we'll probably or I'll try to mention it because so much of our conversation will be about rigorous criticism I'll try to sometimes mention, what are the possible positive effects of social media in different ways so for example in the way I've been using Twitter, not the promotion or any of that kind of stuff it makes me feel less lonely, to connect with people to make me smile a little bit of humor here and there it and that at scale is a very interesting effect being connected across the globe especially during times of COVID and so on it's very difficult to measure that so we kind of have to consider that and be honest that there is a trade off, we have to be honest about the positive and the negative and sometimes we're not sufficiently positive or in a rigorous scientific way about the we're not rigorous in a scientific way about the negative and that's what we're trying to do, here and so that brings us to, the Mark Zuckerberg email okay but wait let me just pick up on the issue of trade-offs because people might think like well like how much of this do we need if we have too much it's bad no that's a one dimensional conceptualization, this is a multi dimensional issue and a lot of people seem to think like oh what would we have done without social media during COVID like we would have been sitting there alone in our homes, yeah if all we had was you know texting telephone Zoom Skype multiplayer video games WhatsApp, all sorts of ways of communicating with each other oh and there is blogs and the rest of the internet, yeah we would have been fine did we really need the hyper viral platforms of Facebook and Twitter now those did help certain things get out faster and that did help science Twitter sometimes but it also led to huge explosions of misinformation and the polarization of our politics to such an extent that a third of the country you know didn't believe what the medical establishment was saying and we'll get into this the medical establishment sometimes was playing. Political games that made them less credible. So on net, it's not clear to me if you've got the internet smartphones blogs all of the you know all of that stuff. It's not clear to me that adding in this particular business model of Facebook Twitter TikTok that that that that really adds a lot more. One interesting one we'll also talk about is YouTube. I think it's easier to talk about Twitter and Facebook. YouTube is another complex beast that's very hard to because YouTube is many things. It's a content platform, but it also has a recommendation system. That's let's let's focus our discussion on perhaps Twitter and Facebook. But you do in in this large document that you are putting together on social media called social media and political dysfunction collaborative review with the Chris Bale that includes I believe papers on YouTube as well. It does, but yeah again just to finish up with the nuance. Yeah, YouTube is really complicated because I can't imagine life without YouTube. It's incredibly useful. It does a lot of good things. It also obviously helps to radicalize terrorist groups and murderers. So I you know I think about YouTube the way I think about the internet in general, and I don't know enough to really comment on YouTube. So I have been focused and it's also interesting. One thing we know is teen social life changed radically between about 2010 and 2012. Before 2010, they weren't mostly on every day because they didn't have smartphones yet. By 2012 to 14, that's the area in which they almost all get smartphones and they become daily users of the girl. So the girls go to Instagram and Tumblr they go to the visual ones. The boys go to YouTube and video games. Those don't seem to be as harmful to mental health or even harmful at all. It's really Tumblr Instagram particularly that seem to really have done in girls mental health. So now okay so let's look at the quote from from Mark Zuckerberg. So at at 64 minutes and 31 seconds on the video I coded this this is the this is the very helpful YouTube transcript. YouTube is an amazing program. You ask him about Francis Hagen you give him a chance to respond. And here is the key thing. So he talks about what Francis Hagen said. He said no but that's mischaracterized. Actually on most measures the kids are doing better when they're on Instagram just on one out of the 18. And then he says I think an accurate characterization would have been that kids using Instagram or not kids but teens is generally positive for their mental health. That's his claim. That you to that Instagram is overall taken as a whole. Instagram is positive for their mental health. That's what he says. Okay now is it really is it really? So first just the simple okay now here what I'd like to do is turn my attention to another document that we'll make available. So I was invited to give testimony before a Senate subcommittee two weeks ago where they were considering the platform accountability act. Should we force the platforms to actually tell us what our kids are doing like we have no idea other than self report. We have no idea you know they're the only ones who know like the kid does this and then over the next hours the kid's depressed or happy. We can't know that but but Facebook knows it. So should they be compelled to to reveal the data we need that. So you raise just to give people a little bit of context. And this document is brilliantly structured with questions studies that indicate that the answer to a question is yes indicate that the answer to a question is no and then mixed results and questions include things like the social media make people more angry or effectively polarized. That's the one that we're going to get to. That's the one for democracy. Yes that's for democracy. So yeah I've got three different Google docs here because I found this is an amazing way and thank God for Google docs is an amazing way to organize the research literature and it's a collaborative review meaning that so on this one Gene Twangy and I put up the first draft and then we say please you know comment add studies tell us what we missed and it evolves in real time in any direction the yes or the no. Oh yeah we we specifically encourage because look the center of my research is that our gut feelings drive our reasoning. That's that was my dissertation that was my early research and so if Gene Twangy and I are committed to but we're going to obviously preferentially believe that these platforms are bad for kids because we said so in our books. So we have confirmation bias and I'm a devotee of John Stuart Mill the only cure for confirmation bias is other people who have a different confirmation bias. So these documents evolve because critics then say no you miss this or they say you don't know what you're talking about. It's like great say so tell us. So I put together this document and I'm going to I'm going to put links to everything on my website if users if so sorry if listeners viewers go to JonathanHeit dot com slash social media. It's a new page I just created I'll put everything together in one place there and we put those in the show notes. Like links to this document and and other things like that that's right exactly. So yeah so the thing I want to call attention now is this document this document here with the title teen mental health is plummeting and social media is a major contributing cause. So Ben Sass and Chris Coons are on the Judiciary Committee they had a subcommittee hearing on Nate Priscili's bill platform accountability transparency act. So they asked me to testify on what do we know what's going on with teen mental health and so what I did was I put together everything I know with plenty of graphs to make these points that first what do we know about the crisis well that the crisis is specific to mood disorders not everything else. It's it's not just self report it's also behavioral data because suicide and self harm go skyrocketing after 2010. The increases are very large and the crisis is gendered and it's hit many countries so I go through the data on that so we have a pretty clear characterization and nobody disputed me on this on this part. So can we just pause real quick just so for people who are not aware so self report just how you kind of collect data on this kind of thing. You have a self report is survey you ask people how yeah how anxious are you these days. Yeah how many hours a week do you use social media. That kind of stuff and and you do it's maybe you can collect large amounts of data that way because you can ask a large number of people that kind of question and but then there's I forget the term you use but more so non self report data behavioral behavioral data that's right where you actually have self harm and suicide numbers exactly. So there are a lot of graphs like this so this is from the national survey on drug use and health so the so the federal government and also Pew and Gallup there are a lot of of organizations that have been collecting survey data for decades. So this is a gold mine and what you see on these graphs over and over again is relatively straight lines up until around 2010 or 2012. And on the x axis we have time years going from 2004 to 2020 on the y axis is the percent of U S teens who had a major depression in the last year. That's right so when this data started coming out around so Gene Twangy's book Igen 2017 a lot of people say oh she you know she doesn't know what she's talking about this is just self report like Gen Z they're just really comfortable talking about this this is a good thing this isn't a real epidemic and literally the day before my book with Greg was published the day before there was a psychiatrist in New York Times who had an op-ed saying relax cell phones smartphones are not ruining your kid's brain and he said it's just self report it's just that they're they're giving higher rates there's more diagnosis but underlying there's no change no because these these it's theoretically possible but all we have to do is look at the hospitalization data for self harm and suicide and we see the exact same trends we see also a very sudden big rise around between 2009 and 2012 you have an elbow and then it goes up up up so that is not self report those are actual kids admitted to hospitals for cutting themselves. So we have a catastrophe and this was all true before COVID COVID made things worse but we have to realize you know COVID's going away kids are back in school back in school but we're not going to go back to where we were because this problem is not caused by COVID. What is it caused by? Well just again to just go through the point then I'll stop I just feel like I I just want to get out the data to show that Mark is wrong. So first point correlation studies consistently show a link they almost all do but it's not big it equivalent to a correlation coefficient around point one typically. That's the first point the second point is that this the correlation is actually much larger than for eating potatoes. So that famous line wasn't about social media use that was about digital media use that included watching Netflix doing homework on everything and so what they did is they they looked at all screen use and then they said this is correlated with self reports of depression anxiety like you know point oh three it's tiny and but they said that clearly in the paper but the media has reported as social media is point oh three or tiny and that's just not true. What I found digging into it you don't know this until you look at the there's more than a hundred studies in the Google doc once you dig in what you see is okay you see a tiny correlation what happens if we zoom in on just social media it always gets bigger often a lot bigger two or three times bigger. What happens if we zoom in on girls and social media it always gets bigger often a lot bigger and so what I think we can conclude in fact what one of the authors of the potato studies herself concludes Amy Orbin says I think I have a quote from here she reviewed a lot of studies and she herself said that quote the associations between social media use and well being therefore range from about r equals point one five to r equals point one zero. So that's the range we're talking about and that's for boys and girls together and a lot of research including hers and mine show that girls it's higher so for girls we're talking about correlations around point one five to point two I believe Gene Twangy and I found it's about point two or point two two. Now this might sound like an arcane social science debate but people have to understand public health correlations are almost never above point two so the correlation of childhood exposure to lead and adult IQ very serious problem that's point oh nine like the world's messy and our measurements are messy and so if you find a consistent correlation of point one five like you would never let your kid do that thing that actually is dangerous and it can explain when you multiply over tens of millions of kids spending you know years of their lives. You actually can explain the mental health epidemic just from social media use. Well and then there's questions by the way this is really good to learn because I quit potatoes and it had no impact and it's a Russian that was a big sacrifice. Yeah quite literal actually because I'm mostly eating keto these days but that's that's that's funny that they're actually literally called the potato studies okay but given this and there's a lot of fascinating data here there's also discussion of how to how to fix it. What are the aspects that if fixed would start to reverse some of these trends. So if we just linger on the sort of the Mark Zuckerberg statements so first of all do you think Mark is aware of some of these studies so if we if you put yourself in the shoes of Mark Zuckerberg and the executives at Facebook and Twitter how can you try to understand the studies like the Google docs you put together. To try to make decisions that fix things is is is there a stable science now that you can start to investigate and and also maybe if you can comment on the depth of data that's available because ultimately this is something you argue that the data should be more transparent should be provided but currently if it's not. All you have is maybe some leaks of internal data that's right that's right and we could talk about the potential you have to be very sort of objective about the potential bias in those kinds of leaks you want to it would be nice to have a non leak data like like yeah it'd be nice to be able to actually have academic researchers able to access in deindividuated deidentified form the actual data on what kids are doing and how their mood changes and and you know when people commit suicide what was happening before and it'd be great to know that we have no idea. So what how do we begin to fix social media would you say okay so here's the most important thing to understand in the social sciences you know we say is social media harmful to kids that's a broad question you can't answer that directly you have to have much more specific questions you have to operationalize it and have a theory of how it's harming kids and so almost all of the research is done on what's called the dose response model that is everybody including the most of the researchers are thinking about this like let's treat it this like sugar you know because the data usually shows a little bit of social media use isn't correlated with harm but a lot is so you know I think about like sugar and if kids have a lot of sugar then it's bad so how much is okay. But social media is not like sugar at all it's not a dose response thing it's a complete rewiring of childhood. So we evolved as a species in which kids play in mixed age groups they learn the skills of adulthood they're always playing and working and learning and doing errands that's normal childhood that's how you develop your brain that's how you become a mature adult until the 1990s in the 1990s we dropped all that we said it's too dangerous if we let you outside you'll be kidnapped so we completely we began rewiring childhood in the 90s before social media and that's a big part of the story. I'm a big fan of Lenore Skenezy who wrote the book Free Range Kids. If there are any parents listening to this please buy Lenore's book Free Range Kids and then go to Letgrow dot org it's a non profit that Lenore and I started with Peter Gray and and Daniel Shookman. To help change the laws and the norms around letting kids out to play they need free play so that's the the big picture they need free play and we started stopping that in the 90s that we reduced it and then Gen Z kids born in 1996 they're the first people in history to get on social media before puberty millennials didn't get it until they were in college but Gen Z they get it because you can lie you just lie about your age. So they really begin to get on around 2009 2010 and boom two years later they're depressed it's not because they ate too much sugar necessarily it's because even normal social interactions that kids had in the early 2000s largely well they they decline because now everything's through the phone. And that's what I'm trying to get across that it's not just a dose response thing it's imagine imagine one middle school where everyone has an Instagram account and it's constant drama everyone's constantly checking and posting and worrying and imagine going through puberty that way versus imagine there was a policy no phones in school you have to check them in a locker no one can have an Instagram account all the parents are on board. Parents only let their kids have Instagram because the kid says everyone else has it and that's we're stuck in a social dilemma we're stuck in a trap so what's the solution keep kids off until they're done with puberty there's a new study actually by Amy Orbin and Andy Shabilsky showing that the damage is greatest for girls between 11 and 13 so there is no way to make it safe for preteens or even 13 14 year olds we've got a kids should simply not be allowed on these business models where you are the product they should not be allowed on until you're 16 we need to raise the age and enforce it that's the biggest thing so I think that's a really powerful solution but it's a it makes me wonder if there's other solutions like controlling the virality of bullying. Sort of if there's a way that's more productive to childhood to use social media so of course one thing is putting your phone down but first of all from the perspective of social media companies it it might be difficult to convince them to do so and also for me as an adult who grew up without social media. It social media is a source of joy so I wonder if it's possible to design the mechanisms both the challenge the ad driven model but actually just technically the recommender system and how viral how virality works on these platforms if it's possible to design a platform that leads to growth anti fragility but does not lead to depression, self harm and suicide that like finding that balance and making that as the objective function not not engagement. Or or something else I don't think that can be done for kids so I am very reluctant to tell adults what to do I have a lot of libertarian friends and I would lose their friendship if I started saying oh it's bad for adults and we should stop adults from using it. But by the same token I'm very reluctant to have Facebook and Instagram tell my kids what to do without me even knowing or without me having any ability to control it as a parent it's very hard to stop your kid I have stopped my kids from getting on Instagram and that's caused some difficulties but but they also have thanked me because they see that it's stupid they see that what the kids are actually on it but they post they see that the culture of it is is stupid as they say so. I don't think there's a way to make it healthy for kids I think there's one thing which is healthy for kids which is free play we already robbed them of most of it in the 90s the more time they spend on their devices the less they have free play video games is a kind of play I'm not saying that these things are all bad but you know 12 hours of video game play means you don't get any physical play so ultimately physical play is the way to to develop physical anti fragility and especially social skills kids need huge amounts of conflict with no adult to meet to supervise or mediate and that's what we robbed them of so anyway that we should move on because I you know I get really into the evidence here because I think the story is actually quite clear now there was a lot of ambiguity there are conflicting studies but when you look at it all together. The correlational studies are pretty clear and the effect sizes are coming in around point one to point one five whether you call that a correlation coefficient or a beta it's all in the standardized beta it's all in that sort of sort of range there's also experimental evidence we collect true experiments with random assignment and they mostly show an effect and there's eyewitness testimony you know the kids themselves you talk to girls and you poll them do you think overall Instagram is good for your mental health or bad for you're not going to find a group saying oh it's wonderful oh yeah yeah Mark you're right it's mostly good no the girls themselves say this is the major reason and I've got studies in the Google doc where there have been surveys what do you think is causing

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