第 296 期·中文精讀

道格拉斯·默裡:種族主義、馬克思主義與對西方的戰爭

Douglas Murray: Racism, Marxism, and the War on the West

評論家談身份政治與種族議題的爭論,批評激進思潮對西方歷史與社會結構的解構。

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道格拉斯·默裡說,有一部分人正在刻意把過去的文化景觀清空。沒有英雄,沒有可以抓住的東西,整座建築被推倒。然後呢?20世紀那套馬克思主義還擺在原地,等著被再試一遍。

這是他在《對西方的戰爭》(The War on the West)裡的核心判斷。2022年6月,他和Lex Fridman聊了兩個多小時,把這條線索一路拆到底:西方文明到底是什麼,它為什麼被圍攻,圍攻的人手裡握著什麼工具,以及一個人在這種氣氛裡怎麼保住自己的腦子。

默裡的身份有點特殊。他是公開的同性戀者,是英國媒體上最不受待見的保守派評論員之一,寫過《歐洲的奇怪死亡》,也寫過《群體的瘋狂》(The Madness of Crowds)。他不屬於任何陣營的安全區,所以兩邊都罵他。

這次對話的資訊密度很高,本文按主題重排,保留他的原話和資料。

西方文明是雅典加耶路撒冷,識別它的辦法是離開它

默裡不愛摳定義。他說一旦卡在定義上,你可能永遠下不來。

但他還是給了一個粗略的座標:西方傳統大致是雅典和耶路撒冷的組合,聖經的世界加上古希臘羅馬的世界。這套東西長出了歐洲,歐洲又長出了美國、加拿大、澳大利亞、紐西蘭。

他有一個更省事的判斷方式:你走出這個傳統的時候,自己知道。

在北京、上海,你清楚自己不在西方。在東京,那是個了不起的地方,你也清楚自己不在西方。莫斯科呢?他留了個口子,說可能算半個,因為俄羅斯受過歐洲的巨大影響,又反覆想推開它。

難定義不等於不存在。這是他的基本立場。

那具體有哪些特徵?他列了幾項。

法治,財產權,代議制民主。這些東西在美國被發展成熟,再回流給西方其他部分。

還有一項他承認比較有爭議:對整個世界貪得無厭的好奇心。

他引用已故哲學家喬治·斯坦納(George Steiner)說過的一句話,斯坦納說他一直忘不掉一個事實:船好像總是從歐洲開出去。探險家、學者、語言學家,想去發現別的文明,甚至想把已經消失的古代文明挖出來重新點亮,這些人總是從西方出發。

反過來,從來沒有船從埃及開出去,幫盎格魯-撒克遜人搞清自己語言的起源。

這份好奇心當然不乾淨。默裡自己馬上補了一句:船上有學者,也有軍隊。軍隊要找資源、找市場,於是就有了帝國的衝動。征服、擴張。

不過擴張本身是普遍現象。他提醒說,據我們所知,沒有哪個文明不試圖從鄰居那裡多佔一點地。西方只是走得快、走得遠,所以佔了先手。奧斯曼帝國想要得很兇,好幾百年裡也確實幹得漂亮。

他加了一項自己最看重的特質:自我批評。

並非每個社會都允許最激烈的批評者發財。這話說得很刻薄,但指向明確。他舉的例子是美國20世紀晚期的民權運動,靠道德論證的力量達成目標,說服了全國大部分人承認自己錯了。這在很多社會里根本不會發生。

代議制的真正好處在這裡:系統出問題時,可以用和平的方式修。

奴隸制並非西方的專利,廢除它才是

談到權力不對稱,最刺眼的歷史形態是奴隸制。

默裡的回答很直接:全世界都有奴隸制,他不認為這是西方獨有的罪。

“很難想出歷史上哪個文明沒有某種形式的奴隸制。”

他把這歸為一種盧梭式的錯誤:以為世界上其他所有人都出生在伊甸園式的純真裡,只有西方人心裡藏著惡,才會對別人做壞事。

然後他丟擲一個資料:今天世界上大約有4000萬奴隸。這個數字比19世紀還多。所以人類這個物種整體上,顯然沒把這件事解決好。

他真正的論點是另一半:西方是廢除奴隸制的那個文明。

傑斐遜、華盛頓這些人現在被例行公事地罵成默許奴隸貿易、自己也蓄奴的人。默裡說,人們幾乎懶得承認一個事實:他們都希望這項貿易被廢除,只是如果在建國之初就硬推,國家根本撐不住,所以他們相信並期待後人去解決。

《獨立宣言》開篇那句話埋了一顆定時炸彈:人人生而平等。你一旦寫下這句話,奴隸制的整個概念底下就開始滴答作響。它在下一個世紀炸了。

關於奴隸制教給人性什麼,默裡給了兩個選項:

要麼是人覺得上帝看不見的時候可以乾的事;要麼是人覺得上帝允許他們乾的事。

他為什麼能長期存在?表面上看是經濟:有人可以白乾活。

但幾乎總是還有一個前提:被奴役的人得是戰敗者,或者被看作“不一樣的人”。

這裡他補了一段被很多人忘掉的18世紀思想史。當時有一個懸而未決的大問題,叫單源論和多源論(monogenesis / polygenesis)。

簡單說,人類各個種族到底是不是同一個祖先。傑斐遜那一代人不確定,因為沒人知道答案。多源論認為黑人、衣索比亞人和白人根本不是親戚。

如果他們不是你的兄弟,奴役他們就容易得多。“我豈是看守我兄弟的嗎?”不,他不是你兄弟。

這還牽扯到神學問題。當時真的有人在辯論:是否存在黑色的亞當和夏娃?是否存在印第安人的亞當和夏娃?這並非笑話,當時是嚴肅的神學爭論。

人們常說達爾文解決了這個問題。默裡說,不全是達爾文,但到19世紀晚期,人類並非同源這個說法已經捱了太多重擊,再堅持就得是故意的、執意的無知。於是它從一個神學問題變成一個道德問題。達爾文讓這件事徹底清楚了:你奴役的物件換成了自己的血親。這在道德上撐不住。

賠償這件事,道德上和實踐上都做不成

話題轉到更棘手的部分:歷史上的不義該怎麼算進今天的政策。

默裡先糾正一個說法。有人說賠償是個邊緣主張,他說不是。2020年每一個角逐民主黨總統提名的人都願意談賠償的可能性,有人還相當積極。

他的反駁壓縮成一句話:這筆賬的兩端已經換人了。

兩百年前它可以是“做錯事的一群人”賠給“被傷害的一群人”。今天不行。做錯事者的後代給被傷害者的後代送錢,這個版本已經過去了。剩下的是從“長得像當年做錯事者的人”手裡,轉給“長得像當年被傷害者的人”。

他態度很硬:這在道德上和實踐上都沒法操作。美國有大量和奴隸貿易毫無關係的白人,也有大量在奴隸制之後才來的少數族裔,他們都不該被捲進這筆賬。

但他同時留了餘地。他不排除美國生活裡存在殘留的不平等,奴隸制的後果可能是成因之一。

分歧在於這是不是唯一答案。他認為黑人群體裡部分人的落後表現,是多維問題。左派很多人堅持說不是,只跟種族主義有關。

他舉的反例是亞裔。來得更晚,卻沒有被“白人至上”壓住(他自己給這個詞加了引號),家庭收入中位數和房產淨值反而高於白人。

他說,從證據上看,種族主義不足以解釋美國黑人部分群體的持續落後。它是其中一部分。

那家庭結構崩解、父親缺位這些,算不算奴隸制的長期後果?

他的回應很尖銳:這種說法對人們做壞決定的能力太慷慨了。

他反問道:大屠殺之後,你允許猶太人把社群裡所有出問題的事都歸因於大屠殺,歸多少代?這事有沒有期限?他認為大多數人心裡其實有一個期限。

反猶主義是一種“量子種族主義”

要給種族主義下定義,默裡給了一個最簡版本:認為別的族群比你低等。

也有反向的形態,覺得別人比你優越,但那比較少見。

只有一種種族主義例外,就是反猶主義。它同時做兩件事:猶太人既被當成劣等的,又被當成優等的。默裡稱之為“量子種族主義”。

他引了瓦西里·格羅斯曼(Vasily Grossman)的《生活與命運》(Life and Fate)。這本書他推崇備至,提到一位波斯朋友說這是20世紀僅有的兩部偉大小說之一,另一部是《豹》。

格羅斯曼本人是烏克蘭猶太人,做過《紅星報》的戰地記者。他志願參軍被拒,隨後在前線待了大約一千天,差不多是蘇德戰爭的三年。他也是最早進入特雷布林卡的記者之一,那篇報道是他寫過最令人窒息的東西。

《生活與命運》有九百頁,主線圍繞斯大林格勒。寫到一半,格羅斯曼忽然拐進希特勒和斯大林的腦子裡,說斯大林在書房裡能感覺到柏林那個對手,覺得此刻和他非常親近。

然後,在最黑暗的時刻,他抽出一章專門講反猶主義,只用了三頁。

猶太人在一個地方因為有錢被譴責,在另一個地方因為貧窮被譴責;因為同化被譴責,因為不同化也被譴責;因為同化太多被譴責,因為同化太少也被譴責;因為太成功被譴責,因為不夠成功也被譴責。

默裡說,這大概是唯一一種包含“對自認為比你優越者的憎恨”的種族主義。

他還提到格雷戈爾·馮·雷佐裡(Gregor von Rezzori)那本標題聳動但寫得極好的《一個反猶分子的自白》,講一戰前中東歐的反猶主義。

說到一般的種族主義,默裡的評價很直接:這是人類能幹出的最愚蠢的事情之一。看一眼膚色就以為能猜透一個人。既惡毒,又蠢。

他擔心的是這個東西在迴流,所以人的天線要開著。不能太遲鈍,也不能太靈敏。

白人原罪,一個只對一群人成立的說法

Fridman問他,美國是否存在對白人的顯著種族主義。

默裡的回答從一個非常具體的判斷開始:美國的白人是唯一被要求承擔世襲罪責的人群。依據只是膚色。

他把話反過來講了一遍。如果今天美國有任何一種思想流派,能在公共輿論裡佔住位置,說黑人因為祖先做過的事而生來帶罪,像該隱的印記一樣,他會覺得極其噁心。這是在系統性地讓人洩氣,告訴一個人,你這輩子能達成的成就被大幅削減,因為你得花大量時間去償還一件你沒做過的事。

他說,除了白人,沒有哪個群體被這樣對待。

那白人是不是比黑人更弱勢?他明確否認這是要比慘。他只是懇求人們別接受按種族背景分配世襲罪責這套東西。

Fridman替反方辯護:多數群體本來就更容易被攻擊,讓少數群體有不成比例的攻擊權,是不是一種讓多數群體保持被約束的機制?

默裡的回答是:這是極其危險的遊戲。

他舉了兩個平行例子。同性戀群體裡有一小部分人想讓異性戀感到自己平庸、無趣、“無聊的直人”,而實際上同性戀只佔總人口兩三個百分點。女權主義裡也有第三、第四波的人認真討論“我們還需要男人嗎”。第一波女權主義者不會這麼說,因為她們需要爭取男人支援,光靠罵贏不了。

他還提到哈佛人類學家理查德·蘭厄姆(Richard Wrangham)的觀點:男性是社會中物理暴力的源頭,去掉男性暴力會大幅減少。

默裡的回應很冷:誰說社會需要去掉暴力?

他的例子是基輔。如果明天紐約被入侵,他會很需要身邊有一些能使用暴力的男人。烏克蘭的男人和女人有能力為自己的國家、鄰居和家人戰鬥,這比整個社會被教育成認同自己是非二元性別要好得多。

爭一爭當然可以,做一場“暴力:利與弊”的圓桌討論也行。但那不改變結論:向多數人口宣戰,無論對哪一方都是極不明智的。

在美國、英國和其他西方國家,白人仍然是多數。告訴多數人他們因為膚色而有罪,還指望這能約束他們,這個算盤打錯了。

“我不因為我的膚色而有罪。我的祖先沒做過什麼錯事。就算他們做過,憑什麼由我負責?”

怨恨會腐蝕人,而且它能跨越一切邊界

Fridman問,如果用尼采的視角看,這些力量背後是不是權力意志,是不是人類永遠在玩的遊戲:手裡沒權的時候,就找一套說法去奪權。

默裡說這是其中一部分。他補了一個更精確的描述:人們想抓住自己認為應得的東西,而這件事通常打著正義的旗號。

正義是我們這個時代最響的詞之一,也是最空的詞之一。人們永遠在談追尋正義,同時你也會驚訝地發現,他們在追尋正義時能有多暴力,能破壞多少規則,只要說一句“這是為了正義”,就能燒樓。

他引了尼采的一段話,寫怨恨者(men of resentment)的終極復仇:把幸福的人變成和自己一樣不幸福的人,把自己的痛苦糊在幸福者臉上,直到幸福的人開始為自己的幸福感到羞恥,彼此說:幸福是可恥的,世上的苦難太多了。

病人不能讓健康人也病倒,也不能讓健康人把自己誤認成病人。(尼采)

默裡說,這種情緒現在很盛。我怎麼能在這個世界上還有不幸的時候感到幸福?我為什麼不加入不幸者的行列?他補了一句:陀思妥耶夫斯基也寫過這個,《地下室手記》。

他接著講了一個更實用的觀察:怨恨能跨越所有邊界。

跨越種族,這不用多說。更有意思的是它跨越階級和經濟狀況。你可能認識這樣的人:物質上幾乎一無所有,卻慷慨、善良、樂於給予,甚至是個快樂的人。你也一定見過另一種人:看起來什麼都有,卻充滿了怨恨。某個人擋住了他,他姐姐當年拿到了什麼而他本該拿到,如此等等,一輩子。

這說明一件事:我們對這件事有選擇權。

不是無限的選擇權。他承認,如果你因為朋友開車打瞌睡出了車禍,餘生要在輪椅上度過,你有理由怨恨。但到了某個點,你必須做決定:我要成為那樣的人,還是別的人。

而且就算理由充分,怨恨也會把你腐蝕掉。最好的結局也不過是把日子熬完。

解藥是感恩。

他提到《卡拉馬佐夫兄弟》裡的一段。伊萬和魔鬼對話,魔鬼穿著上個世紀初法國式的衣服,盤著腿,一副虛榮的樣子,隨口說了一句:不知道為什麼,感恩這種情感沒有被賦予我。

默裡說,這是天才的一筆。為什麼魔鬼沒有感恩的能力?因為如果他能感恩,他就不是魔鬼了,他就是別人了。一個更小的天才可能會拿這個洞見寫一整本小說,只有陀思妥耶夫斯基能把它隨手扔掉,因為他還有太多東西要寫。

這個想法還延伸出另一層。默裡說,我們正在走過一個“解構的時代”,大致從上世紀60年代開始,原本是學術遊戲,後來溢位到整個文化裡:把一切拆開。

問題是拆完之後呢?小孩子拆腳踏車很容易,裝不回去。你可以花很長時間拆解一個社會,指出系統性的問題,然後呢?你做出了什麼?

他特別不滿“審問”(interrogate)這個詞。提問可以,無止境地提問也可以,但“審問”預設了物件是牢房裡的犯人,有罪,所以必須被拆開。這就是怨恨的產物:你造不出這個東西,但你知道怎麼把它拆了。

丘吉爾的賬本,和馬克思的賬本,得用同一套標準

Fridman提到自己認識的人裡有人覺得丘吉爾不是好人。

默裡說,真實的批評很好總結。第一,1943年孟加拉大饑荒,說他沒做夠。這一點已經被很多歷史學家駁掉了,包括印度歷史學家。戰時丘吉爾盡全力把糧食從澳大利亞調往孟加拉。饑荒是颱風造成的,並非他造成的。說他想讓印度人去死,是徹底的誹謗。而且在那段時期印度人口是增長的。

第二,他有一些今天被視為種族主義的觀點。他確實認為種族有不同性格,存在優等種族,白人歐洲是更優越的文化。他出生在維多利亞時代的英國,帶著那個時代的態度。這要記在賬的負數一側。

但賬本還有正數一側:把世界從納粹手裡救下來這件事,他做得比任何一個人都多。

默裡強調他並不想叫停別人的歷史研究。近年對丘吉爾、對美國建國先賢的修正主義,他不覺得應該被禁。他覺得有意思,也重要,尤其因為那些研究經常很粗糙。人應該被整體地看。

但整體地看,包括看見正數那一側。如果你連那一側都看不見,你乾的就不是歷史,是另一種政治操作。

同樣的標準,Fridman把球拋回給一個留著小鬍子的傢伙:卡爾·馬克思。

默裡在書裡專門寫了一節,寫得很痛快。

他先說馬克思為什麼最近又受歡迎:當事情看起來出了問題時,人們會去抓別的選項。當資本積累變得困難,人們不一定會成為資本家,一部分人會說,再看看馬克思主義行不行。

他的回應只有一句:指給我看一個成功的地方。

對方的辯護通常是“我們只真正試過一次”。默裡說,蘇聯、古巴、委內瑞拉,全都失敗了,而且失敗得很慘烈,把數以百萬計的人扔進被徹底挫敗的人生裡,壽命比本該有的短得多。

他給了奧威爾那個著名的段子。1940年代初,奧威爾和一個斯大林主義者爭論,那時公審、烏克蘭饑荒、大清洗都已經是明擺著的事。爭到最後,對方說出了奧威爾早就知道他會說的那句話:不打碎雞蛋,做不成煎蛋卷。

奧威爾回答:煎蛋卷在哪?

默裡說,馬克思本人也不像他聽起來那麼好。書裡引了他給恩格斯的信,也引了1850年代他給美國媒體寫的文章。他在奴隸制、殖民主義這些問題上的觀點很糟糕,對黑人使用了大量那個詞,談到混血兒時用“大猩猩”這樣的比喻。

做有聲書時,默裡猶豫過要不要把那些引文讀出來。讀出來他會被取消,人們只會說他在這一段裡反覆使用了那個詞。他最後剋制了。

書出版後,馬克思主義者的反應有兩種。第一種:你為什麼拿這個說馬克思?他是他時代的人,跟別人一樣。第二種:我們找馬克思,圖的是他的經濟理論,那些可惡的種族觀點我們不碰。

默裡的回應:好,那我們找傑斐遜,圖的是他的政治思想;找丘吉爾,圖的是他在1940年的判斷力,他們在1910年代談印度人時用的具體詞句我們也不碰。

標準得統一。

然後他給出了那個更深的判斷。他認為有些人是在刻意把過去的文化景觀徹底清空,讓一切都不值得尊敬,讓所有英雄都倒下。等這些做完,站在廢墟上的是誰?是20世紀那套還沒有被真正清算的馬克思主義,等著被再試一次。

他舉了後殖民主義的例子。歐洲列強撤出非洲和遠東時,後殖民運動本來有一個顯而易見的選擇:回到殖民前的生活。在有些地方,那意味著回到奴隸市場。但他們幾乎一致地選擇了另一條路:做法農(Fanon)、薩特這些人主張的,在這些國家實行西方馬克思主義。

“我不覺得壞想法一定會勝出,但在這種把歷史清空、又故意讓某些想法免於被審視的環境裡,壞想法勝出的機率會高得多。”

他給了一個檢驗:在美國大學生裡找一百個,看有幾個知道20世紀那些共產主義暴君的名字。英國做過調查,學童對斯大林的認知度極低,更別說毛澤東。毛造成的人道災難,可能是6500萬中國人。

20世紀有兩個教訓。我們以為自己學會了一個,其實只學了一半。另一個根本沒學。

學會的那個是法西斯主義:不要因為種族把人看得更低。這個學得不錯。

沒學的那個是共產主義。所以今天美國政治裡還有人能公開談集體化,好像那沒有問題,好像只要他們來操作就知道在哪裡停下。

資本主義的問題,要靠更好的資本主義解決

Fridman替社會主義的吸引力說話:工人幹了所有的活,只拿到產出的一小部分,這看起來不公平。讓工人擁有全部產出,看起來更公平。

默裡說,他更喜歡“公平”(fairness)這個詞,比“正義”好操作,雖然它本身也很模糊,但每個人都能認出來。

然後他給了一個具體尺度:公司老闆該拿最低工資員工的多少倍?一百萬倍?那不公平。五倍、十倍?那可能在合理範圍內。

他說這才是當下資本主義的真問題:極少數人拿走了大部分收益,中間那部分人被持續擠壓,隨時可能掉到底層。

他用了一個比喻。在美國資本主義這張蛇梯棋棋盤上,蛇能讓你掉得非常深,踩到就一路到底。原來的交易是梯子能把你送得很高。但很多人現在覺得,棋盤上的梯子系統壞了。這個感覺不算錯。

Fridman開玩笑:所以你是馬克思主義者。默裡回:我沒這麼說,這話會被你們做成斷章取義的部落格標題。

他的結論是:資本主義出了問題,解法是更好的資本主義。自由市場不公平的地方,把它變公平。永遠不要跳到那個從未產生過任何人類繁榮的東西上去。

別把自我價值存在陌生人那裡

Fridman把話題拉回個人層面:人都在群體裡,都被周圍的人影響。在一個群體壓力巨大的環境裡,怎麼獨立思考?

默裡先說了一個現象:在Twitter上,跟群體唱反調是有代價的,任何小事都一樣。他拿威爾·史密斯打克里斯·洛克舉例,說群眾在這件事上其實分裂了,所以哪邊都不安全。

然後是Michael Jackson。他說大多數不是死忠粉的人都會承認,傑克遜和兒童的關係不正常,幾乎可以確定是戀童癖。但群眾沒有形成共識,因為他太有名,因為我們都愛《Thriller》,因為婚禮上還要跳舞。

他給出一個規律:所有文化裡都有“天才豁免權”。拜倫勳爵睡了自己的姐姐,這不影響他的名聲,甚至加分。

Fridman追問:但在這個“對西方的戰爭”裡,天才反而讓你更容易被清算。默裡同意:如果你什麼都沒做成,沒人會來找你。悄悄地過完一生,別被人注意到,然後死去,祈禱你沒用過碳。

至於怎麼在社交媒體時代活下來,默裡的答案很短:不要高估那個不真實世界的重要性。

Fridman反駁:可這是人的心理,你想被接納。

默裡:那就喜歡少數幾個人,忽略其餘的。

他說自己其實挺喜歡大多數人,不討厭跟人說話、相處。但把自我價值存放在完全陌生的人那裡,是巨大的錯誤。

他給了一個檢驗方法:如果你明天病得很重,網上那些人會來幫你嗎?

不會。

那你就不該把大量的信任、信念、自我價值存放在那些不會回報你的地方。

Fridman提到自己是個自我批評很強的人,在網上也能找到某種深度連線。默裡說那是淺層連線。

然後他談了自己寫作中的黑暗時期。《歐洲的奇怪死亡》寫得很艱難。這跟他的個人生活無關,問題出在內容本身:一個文明正在終結。書裡有幾章寫宗教的死亡、上帝的死亡、意義的喪失和虛空。他說自己出版後沒再重讀那本書,但裡面有些段落清楚地記錄了他當時在想什麼。

他的支撐點只有一個:我不能附和一個我親眼看見是假的東西。

Fridman問得更狠:很多人誇你聰明,你的自我會不會膨脹到把“你認為的真相”當成真相?而且你習慣了跟群體對抗,那種摩擦感本身會不會讓你上癮,讓你為了摩擦而偏離真相?

默裡承認有可能,但他說自己一直很警覺。早年他就意識到,他不想不必要地樹敵,因為必要的敵人已經夠多了。有一次一週內已經出了一件事,第二件又來了,他

對自己說,不能做那種永遠在製造風暴的人。他說自己基本守住了這條。

至於自我膨脹,他給了兩個理由。

第一,他不覺得自己特別聰明,因為他非常清楚自己不懂什麼。金融和經濟理論的細節他幾乎一無所知,不是我們剛才聊的那種大局,是真正的細節。元素週期表放在他面前,他能答上來的沒幾個。他對懂這些的人有一種不成比例的欽佩。

他講了一個故事。英國有個節目叫《大學挑戰賽》,請他去參加校友名人特別場。他唯一想去的原因是Louis Theroux在他之前上過同一所學院,他想見見這個人。他看了幾期往期節目,意識到自己會在那半小時裡全程沉默。第一題是物理,第二題他也不行。他給製片人打電話說不去,因為那些學生能在各個領域答題,他不能。

“我對自己的侷限非常清楚,它們每天都在我眼前。”

他引了吉卜林《如果》裡的一句,說他讀這首詩的場合多半是追悼會,但這句是好建議:把勝利和災難都當成騙子,用同樣的態度迎接它們。

他說自己從來沒有過“我很滿足、我徹底贏了”的時刻。《對西方的戰爭》直接衝到暢銷榜第一時,他當然有一瞬間的興奮,想著“成了,書出來了”。但那種感覺沒有持續。

一部分原因是迷信:他相信舊神,覺得一旦自認為站在勝利的時刻,命運女神就會掀起裙子,以每小時一百萬英里的速度衝過來。

特朗普:最好的拳手,也可能是最大的負債

Fridman問他對特朗普的最終判斷。

默裡說自己躲這個話題躲了很多年,跟躲英國脫歐是同一個原因。

他先給了一個觀察:認識特朗普的人說他要再選。共和黨面前有個選擇。一個朋友跟他說:你得派你最能打的那個上去。他理解這個直覺,也覺得它危險,因為萬一你最能打的那個人同時是最大的負債呢?2024年有什麼比讓特朗普參選更能催出民主黨選票的?

他說每個人都知道特朗普是什麼人。他同情那些不得不假裝他是虔誠基督徒、是有信仰的人、是有操守的人。因為在他多年公眾視野裡,這顯然不是事實。

但特朗普有一個東西是真的:一種不可思議的溝通方式。你沒法把眼睛移開。

默裡說,2016年看他清場是痛快的,因為那些人本來就該被清掉。美國又要給我們一個布什?這個家族到底好在哪?又要給我們一個克林頓?我們就只能在克林頓和布什之間選?Mark Steyn 說過一句:等哪天克林頓家和布什家通婚,我們就又有君主制了。

所以他樂意看見特朗普把這些人清走,也樂意看見他把一些該提的問題提出來。那是一股新鮮空氣,他只是希望做這件事的人不是他。

接下來是執政。默裡說得很乾脆:他顯然不知道怎麼治理。

他承認特朗普有一種驚人的戰鬥能力。他面對的那些力量,換別人早就被摧毀了。換成 Ted Cruz 或 Marco Rubio,對方照樣會扣上種族主義、厭女的帽子,就像對 Mitt Romney、對 John McCain 那樣。但特朗普是那個夠醜、夠抗揍、願意打的人。

問題是他沒有用好手裡的槓桿。頭兩年兩院都在手裡,他不知道該拉哪根繩。他坐在橢圓形辦公室後面的房間裡發推特、看新聞。“對不起,那不叫總統。”

他也填不上位置,因為那些真正忠於他的人,常常被他先利用、再毀掉。

然後是2020年大選。默裡當時在全美跑,去看了特朗普的集會。選舉夜他在華盛頓,在 Black Lives Matter 廣場,氣氛一度非常緊張。佛羅里達結果出來、看起來特朗普可能贏的時候,空氣裡全是火藥味,Antifa 的人開始換裝。他當時想,如果特朗普贏了,這座城市會燒起來。

之後有人跟他說手握投票舞弊的鐵證。默裡的態度是:他們拿出的證據,不足以支撐“他贏了”這個結論。

至於1月6日,他說那件事極其危險。但兩件事可以同時成立:1月6日不是無事發生,也不是一場政變或叛亂。

他引了 Eric Weinstein 的說法:那像是一條你必須走過去的屋頂,兩邊都很陡,掉下去哪邊都不行。

Fridman問:你擔心美國的未來嗎?這種升級是真實的,還是隻是推特上的戰爭?

默裡:是真實的。

如果十年後美國翻了身,原因會是什麼

這是整場對話裡最建設性的一段。

默裡說,書出版後有兩類專業人士來找他,說書裡寫的東西比他自己意識到的更有用。

第一類是走過匿名戒酒會(AA)的人。他們問他有沒有去過AA,這問題有點私人,但他們說,在戒酒或戒毒專案裡,康復的一部分就是說出你感恩什麼。默裡寫書時並不知道這一點。

第二類是婚姻諮詢師。他們說,伴侶治療裡有一件事就是找出你們同意的部分。

默裡認為這在美國極其重要,而且現在特別難,因為“有不同意見”已經屬於上個世紀了,現在雙方連事實都不一樣。

大約三四成的美國人相信希拉里贏了2016,俄羅斯干預把特朗普送進了白宮。另一半相信特朗普贏了2020。如果連誰贏選舉都無法達成一致,這個國家還能在什麼上一致?

這就是他為什麼在意那場針對美國曆史和西方歷史的戰爭。你必須至少對過去有某種共同態度。不需要事事一致,但公共空間裡得有大家公認的英雄,哪怕帶著缺點。

如果一半人覺得建國先賢不錯,另一半覺得他們爛透了、種族主義;如果一半人覺得哥倫布當年掉頭回去更好,另一半慶幸有了美國,那就沒有共同點了。

他重申:他並不認為美國曆史全都好,那經不起一秒鐘的審視。但也不全都壞。這個國家不是在罪裡受孕的,不是1619年為了作惡而建立的,也不是無法逃離那種惡。

如果連英雄都無法一致,剩下的就是一次大分裂。他已經在看到:人們搬去那些更像自己想要的生活的州。有人說這正是建國設計的妙處,允許這種選擇。默裡承認有可能,但那會抹掉美國公共生活的一部分:面對面看著彼此、坐下來討論的能力。

他把最高法院草案洩露事件稱為“放在美國身下的一顆炸彈”。他說自己非常擔心,因為如果美國搞砸了,世界上其他一切都會跟著垮。

但他沒有絕望。他相信人終究會渴望感恩,因為感恩讓人活得更好,怨恨是從內部毀掉你的東西。這是美國的方式。

他也提醒,現在很多撕裂來自新技術。社交媒體是個新玩具,就像核武器一樣,都還相對新。我們需要找到對待它們的合理態度。

他對朋友們的極簡呼籲是:主要任務是不發瘋。朝清醒的方向走。

想當作家,先當一個貪婪的讀者

Fridman問:對高中和大學裡放下 TikTok 聽這期節目的年輕人,有什麼建議?怎麼擁有一份自己看得起的職業和人生?

默裡先說了一件很具體的事:讀書。

他上學時外套側袋裡總有一本書,只有側袋,邊走邊讀。這跟書呆子氣沒關係,真正的原因是他十幾歲時發現了一件事:書是危險的。這個發現讓他興奮。

書裡可以裝任何東西,而且別人不知道你在讀什麼。

他太小的時候讀了赫胥黎的《知覺之門》,大概沒看懂多少,但他知道那本書在講某件非常有意思、非常危險的事。他讀詩、讀歷史時,一直處在一種被刺激的狀態,想知道的更多。

他說,想成為作家,你必須先是讀者。讀最好的東西。當你遇到那些把你擊倒的作家,把他所有的東西都讀了,抓住他,然後順著歷史、學術和圈子找到和他相連的其他人。

對他自己來說,第一本真正把他擊倒的是威廉·戈爾丁的《蠅王》。他習慣了兒童文學的世界,所有東西最後都會好起來,走失的孩子都會被找到。而這是第一本告訴他並非如此的書。他讀完震驚了好幾天,部分因為他隱約覺得那是真的。

那是他進入成人世界的入口,令人震驚,令人興奮,他想要更多。它是危險的。

後來他對性產生興趣,意識到自己是同性戀,書又成了瞭解自己是什麼的極好的途徑,某種程度上更危險。因為沒有人知道他知道的事。

他解釋了這個比喻。很多同性戀男孩成長時都帶著一個巨大的秘密,覺得世界永遠不會知道,希望世界永遠不知道。有位心理學家稱之為“帶著大秘密的小男孩”。當你發現別人也有同一個秘密,那種感覺是:謝天謝地。

但這其實是所有人讀書都會得到的東西:發現有人想過你以為只有你想過的事。

文學裡最大的快感之一,是一個聲音從幾個世紀之外傳過來,像留下了一個手印,讓你覺得自己沒那麼孤單。(道格拉斯·默裡)

C.S.劉易斯說過,我們讀書是為了知道自己不孤單。默裡補了一句:但我們不只為了不孤單而讀,我們讀書是為了成為別的人。

他說自己在書裡看見了想過的生活,然後決定去那樣生活。他想活在觀念、書籍和辯論的世界裡,想參與自己時代的爭論。

他年輕時讀奧登,某些句子直接砸中他。那首人人皆知、奧登本人卻討厭的《1939年9月1日》,裡面有一句:坐在下等酒吧裡,沮喪而孤獨,在低劣、不誠實的十年的末尾。他說這句有個問題:你會有點想自己也活在一個低劣、不誠實的十年的末尾,聽起來挺酷,好像只有你看清了。

他把書分成兩類:一類是我知道你是怎麼做到的,另一類是我不知道你是怎麼做到的。作為寫作者,最好的感覺是第二種。

而且它發生在你寫下的那一刻。你看著自己剛寫出的句子,心想:我怎麼做到的?他說自己寫 Basquiat 的長文時,寫完倒吸一口氣。

寫作有時候並非“先寫下來才知道自己想什麼”。這句話對某些人是壞建議,因為他們本來就沒想清楚,打字也不會讓事情變清楚。但有時候確實如此:一個想法就在那裡等著,句子突然在你腦子裡成形,等你打完,你只能說:對,就是這個。

愛是我們在人間能拿到的最接近神的東西

Fridman問了一個他自己都覺得冒犯的問題:愛在人類境況裡扮演什麼角色?

默裡先破了自己的規矩。他說自己有個不談私生活的原則,然後破了一點。

他講了一件事:成長時意識到自己是同性戀,和成長時是異性戀,有一個幾乎必然的差別:你的第一次心動幾乎註定是單向的。

異性戀的年輕人裡也有大量單戀,男孩對女孩,女孩對男孩。但對同性戀者來說,幾乎必然,因為對方大機率不是同性戀。

所以愛的初體驗主要是心碎。心碎和失望。

他說心碎也可以是美的,是有塑造作用的。又回到寫作者那件事:你總能把它用掉。這就是為什麼所有作家都不能完全信任。

他講了一個朋友的故事。這位朋友寫過一首詩,紀念60年代在悉尼因摩托車事故去世的朋友。他說,在被告知朋友死訊的那一刻,他心裡有一小塊在想:我可以把這個寫進詩裡。他確實寫了,那首詩很好。但作家身上總有那一點負罪感:我是不是要用掉這個?

更明顯的問題是在戰區或糟糕的地方報道,你會希望找到壞故事,因為那有用。情況越糟,材料越好用。那裡確實有一種負罪感。

所以同性戀成長的差別大概就是這個。它意味著他那一代大多數男同性戀在性和情感上都成熟得更晚。有一種解釋是這樣的人更容易被認為(或事實上)更濫交,但默裡更傾向於另一種:男同性戀的行為方式,就是男人在女人也是男人的世界裡會有的樣子。

那愛到底是什麼?

默裡說:愛是我們能擁有的、最接近找到“意義”的東西。

他先區分了“意義是什麼”和“意義在哪”。前者很難,後者容易一些。每個人都能找到自己的答案:你會被吸引到那些你找到意義的地方去。

他給了一個保守主義的答案,認為它比任何其他答案都有用:去人們以前找到意義的地方找。如果你的祖先在某個禮拜場所、某套經典文字里找到了意義,去那裡,因為它已經被時間證明能給你東西。這比“我要發明一種新的意義”要明智得多。

但愛,大概是我們在這世上能有的最接近神性的東西。

然後他讀了菲利普·拉金(Philip Larkin)的《高窗》(High Windows)。他說這首詩了不起,因為拉金是異性戀,自己的性生活相當不快樂,他經歷了四五十年代的性壓抑。而他對60年代性革命的態度,和他那一代人大多數老年人不同。那些人怨恨年輕人,假裝那種自由很糟糕。

拉金是保守的人,卻給出了不同的看法。

當我看見一對年輕人,猜想他正在操她,而她正在吃避孕藥或戴著子宮帽,我就知道這是天堂。每個老人一輩子都在夢想這東西,束縛和姿態被推到一邊,像一臺過時的聯合收割機,而每個年輕人都在滑梯上一直往下,滑向無盡頭的幸福。(菲利普·拉金《高窗》)

詩的後半段,說話的人想起四十年前的自己,想那時候有沒有人看著他,心想:那才是生活。沒有上帝了,不用再在黑暗裡為地獄發抖,不用再隱藏自己對神父的看法。他和他的同類會像自由的鳥一樣滑下去。

然後是那句轉折:立刻,代替話語的,是高窗的念頭,那扇深不可測的玻璃,玻璃之外是深藍的空氣,什麼也不顯示,哪裡也不在,無窮無盡。

默裡說,你看到沒有,他在一對戴子宮帽的年輕戀人身上找到了神性。

這很反直覺。但重點在於,性在過去被綁在痛苦上。人們現在不記得了。他舉斯蒂芬·茨威格的《昨日的世界》,裡面寫一戰前的維也納,男人最後都去找妓女,很多人第一次性經驗就得了梅毒,一輩子帶著它。那是多麼可怕的事。

所以過去一百年裡有些事確實變好了,這是其中一件。

但性解放也買不到愛。它只是換了一套問題。人類這個物種喜歡找問題、解決問題,有時候還自己製造問題。

默裡留給聽眾的話

節目結尾,Fridman引了默裡自己的話作為收尾。這段話值得抄下來:

分歧不是壓迫。爭論不是侵犯。語言,哪怕是挑釁性的、令人反感的語言,也不是暴力。對我們不喜歡的言論,答案是說更多的話。(道格拉斯·默裡)

整場對話裡,默裡反覆回到同一個動作:把標準統一。

你用什麼標準審判丘吉爾,就用什麼標準審判馬克思。你要求哪個群體承擔歷史責任,就用同一把尺子量所有群體。你說哪些話不能被說,就要接受同一套規則也用在你身上。

這套要求聽起來平淡,但它正在被系統地放棄。放棄的方式並非禁止說話,真正發生的是給不同的人不同的尺子,然後稱之為正義。

另一條貫穿全場的主線是賬本。默裡不反對算賬,他反對只記一欄。丘吉爾的孟加拉饑荒和維多利亞時代的種族觀記在負數,1940年的判斷力記在正數。傑斐遜的蓄奴是負數,《獨立宣言》裡那顆定時炸彈是正數。拆掉所有正數,站在廢墟上的人手裡不會空著,他們會立刻抓起那個還沒被真正清算的東西。

還有一條是感恩。他把它說得比勵志口號硬得多:感恩是對怨恨的解藥,而怨恨會從內部把人吃掉,哪怕理由充分。這不是道德勸勉,是戒酒會和婚姻諮詢裡都在用的技術。

以下是從這場對話裡能拿走的幾件具體的事:

  • 定義不清就承認它不清,別因此否認事物的存在。“西方”很難定義,但你走出它的時候自己知道。很多概念模糊,不等於它沒有指稱。
  • 給歷史人物記賬本,正負兩欄都寫。無論是丘吉爾、傑斐遜還是馬克思。只看一欄的人做的是政治操作,跟評價歷史沒關係。看見正數那側不等於否認負數。
  • 聽到“某某主義”時,問一句煎蛋卷在哪。任何以宏大承諾換取當下犧牲的方案,先讓它交出成績單,別接受“這次不一樣”。
  • 把自我價值存給會回報你的人。默裡的檢驗很簡單:你明天病重,網上那些人會來嗎?不會,就別把大量的信任和信念存在那裡。
  • 警惕“審問”這個詞。提問是健康的,審問預設了對方有罪。當一場討論從一開始就設定物件必須被拆開,它已經算不上一場討論。
  • 怨恨有充分理由時,仍然會毀掉你。你有權怨恨,但你要在某個點做決定:我要成為那樣的人,還是別的人。最好的結局也不過是把日子熬完。
  • 把感恩當日常練習,別把它當情緒。戒酒會和伴侶治療都在用同一招:說出你感恩什麼,找出你們同意的部分。這兩件事同樣適用於一個撕裂的國家。
  • 讀最好的書,把它當危險品。遇到把你擊倒的作家,讀完他所有的東西,再順著他的脈絡找下一個。寫作的能力來自閱讀的貪婪,跟等待天賦降臨沒什麼關係。
  • 主要任務是不發瘋。在一個資訊過載、群體壓力隨時線上的環境裡,保持清醒本身就是成就。朝清醒的方向走,別指望走到底。

默裡在節目裡說過一句關於寫作的話,可以用來概括他對整場文化戰爭的態度:你可以把腳踏車拆開,但你不一定裝得回去。

拆解比建造容易得多,也爽得多,而且能一直拆下去。問題是拆完之後站在廢墟上的人,手裡還剩什麼可以抓。

他的答案很老派:一些被時間證明過的東西,幾個真心會來幫你的人,以及一本讀完讓你覺得自己沒那麼孤單的書。

文稿來自公開 Kaggle 資料集(rajneesh231/lex-fridman-podcast-transcript),為早期自動轉錄存檔,可能存在識別錯誤。
I think that some people are deliberately trying to completely clear the cultural landscape of our past in order to say there's nothing good, nothing you can hold on to, no one you should revere, you've got no heroes, the whole thing comes down, who's left standing, oh, we've also got this idea from the 20th century still about Marxism, and no, no, I will not have the entire landscape deracinated, and then the worst ideas tried again. The following is a conversation with Douglas Murray, author of The Madness of Crowds, Gender, Race, and Identity, and his most recent book, The War on the West, How to Prevail in the Age of Unreason. He's a brilliant, fearless, and often controversial thinker who points out and pushes back against what he sees as the madness of our modern world. I should note that the use of the word Marxism and the West in this conversation refers primarily to cultural Marxism and the cultural values of Western civilization, respectively. This is in contrast to my previous conversation with Richard Wolff, where we focused on Marxism as primarily a critique of capitalism, and thus looking at it through the lens of economics and not culture. Nevertheless, these two episodes stand opposite of each other with very different perspectives on how we build a flourishing civilization together. I leave it to you, the listener, to think and to decide which is the better way. This is the Lex Friedman podcast. To support it, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here's Douglas Murray. You recently wrote the book titled The War on the West, which in part says that the values, ideas, and history of Western civilization are under attack. So let's start with the basics. Historically and today, what are the ideas that represent Western civilization? The good, the bad, the ugly. I actually don't get stuck on definitions, precisely because, as you know, once you get stuck on definitions, there's a possibility you'll never get off them. Yes. I'd say a few things. Firstly, obviously the Western tradition is a specific tradition, a specific tradition of ideas, culture, well known to be, perhaps, easily defined by the combination of Athens and Jerusalem, the world of the Bible, and the world of ancient Greece and, indeed, Rome. Effectively, it creates European civilization, which itself spawns the rest of the Western civilizations, America, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and others. But these are the main countries that we still refer to as the West. So there's a specific tradition and all the things that come from it. My shorthand cheat on this answer is to say, you know when you're not in it. So if you've ever been to Beijing, Shanghai, you know you're not in the West. Somewhere else, you know you're not in the West. When you're in Tokyo, you're somewhere extraordinary, but you know you're not in the West. Obviously, there are, let's say, borderline questions, like is Russia in the West, which I sort of leave open as a question. Possibly. Well, if you were placed into Moscow blindfolded and you woke up and you couldn't hear the language, or maybe you didn't know what the language sounded like, would you guess you were in the West or not? I think I was somewhere near it. Getting closer. I mean, you know, it's also a question, doesn't it, whether it's European. And I think the answer to that is not really, although massively influenced by Europe, but, and times wanting to reach towards it, at times wanting to stay away, but a part of the West, possibly, yes. But anyway, it's a very specific tradition. It's one of a number of major traditions in the world, and because it's hard to define doesn't mean it doesn't exist, you know. Are there certain characteristics and qualities about the values and the ideas that define it? Is the type of rule, the type of governmental structure? Yes. I mean, the rule of law, property owning democracies, and much more, I mean, these are, of course, things that ended up being developed in America and then given back to much of the rest of the West. I'd say there are other, perhaps more controversial attributes I would give to the West. One is a ravenous interest in the rest of the world, which is not shared, of course, by every other culture. The late philosopher George Steiner who said he could never get out of his head the haunting fact that the boats only seemed to go out from Europe. You know, the explorers, the scholars, the linguists, the people who wanted to discover other civilizations, and indeed, even resurrect ancient civilizations and lost civilizations. These were scholars that were always coming from the West to discover this elsewhere. By contrast, you know, there were never boats coming from Egypt to help the Anglo Saxons discover the origins of their language and so on. So I think there is a sort of ravenous interest in the rest of the world, which can be said to be a Western. Attribute, although it, of course, also has, one should immediately preface it, some downsides and many criticisms that can be made of some of the consequences of that interest. Because, of course, it's not entirely lacking in self interest. So it's not just the scholars, it's also. The armies. The armies, and they're looking to gain access and control over resources elsewhere. To market. And hence the imperial imperative. Exactly. To conquer, to expand. Although that itself, of course, is a universal thing. I mean, no civilization, I think, that we know of doesn't try to gain ground from its neighbors where it can. The Western ability to go further faster certainly gave an advantage in that regard. Do some civilizations get a bit more excited by that kind of idea than others? Possible. It's possible. Because you could say it's the Western civilization because the technological innovation was more efficient at doing that kind of thing. Absolutely. But maybe it wanted it more, too. Well, the Ottomans wanted it an awful lot and did very terribly well for many centuries, and one shouldn't forget that, as did others. I'd also say, by the way, and again, it's a very broad one, but it's worth throwing out there. I think self criticism is an important attribute of the Western mind, one that, as you know, is not common everywhere. Not all societies allow even their most vociferous critics to become rich. So criticism is a negative sounding word. It could be self introspection, self analysis, self reflection. And it can be what you need. And in the Western system, I'd argue that one of the advantages of the system of representative governance is that where there are problems in the system, you can attempt to sort them out by peaceable means. We listen to arguments, most famously in America in the late 20th century, the civil rights movement achieved its aims by force of moral argument and dissuaded the rest of the country that it had been wrong. That's not common in every society by any means. So I think there are certain attributes of the Western mind that you could say are, they're not entirely unique, but they are not as commonplace elsewhere. What about the emergence in hierarchies of asymmetry of power, most visible, most drastic in the form of slavery, for example? Well, I mean, everyone in the world is slavery, so I don't regard it as being a Western, a unique Western sin. It's rather hard to think of a civilization in history that didn't have slavery of some kind. One of the oddities of the Western ignorance of our day is that people seem to imagine that our societies in the West were the only ones who ever engaged in any vices. Alas, this isn't true. It's a sort of Rousseauian mistake, or at least one that's blossomed since Rousseau, that everybody else in the world was born into sort of Edenic innocence, and only we in the West had this sort of evil in us that caused us to do bad things to other people. Slavery was engaged in by everyone in the ancient world, of course, and through most of the modern world as well. Of course, there are 40 million slaves in the world today, so it's clearly not something that the species as a whole has a problem with. And that's more slaves, of course, than there were in the 19th century. And I'd say, on top of that, that the interesting thing about the Western mind as regards to slavery is that we were the civilization that did away with it. And by the way, the founding fathers of America, who today are lambasted routinely for being acquiescent in the slave trade, engaging in it, owning slaves. People almost don't even bother now to recognize the facts that Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, all wanted to see this trade done away with, couldn't hold the country together at the origins if they'd have made such an effort. And believed and hoped that it would be something that would be dealt with after their time. So the founding ideas had within them the notion that we should, as a people, get rid of this. The opening lines of the Declaration of Independence set up the conditions under which slavery will be impossible. All men are created equal. Once you've put that, that's a time bomb under the whole concept of slavery. That's ticking away, okay. And sure enough, it detonated in the next century. If we just step back and look at the human species, what does slavery teach you about human nature? The fact that slavery has appeared as a function of society throughout human history. There are two possibilities. One is it's what people think they can do when God's not watching. Another is it's what they can do if they think that God allows it. Really, really well put. And the fact that they want to do this kind of subjugation, what does that mean? Well, I mean, it's pretty straightforward in a way. There are people who get to work for free. It's economic in nature in some sense. Yes, but in order to do it, I mean, almost always there are some examples in the ancient world where this wasn't the case, but almost always it had to be a subjugated people or people that are regarded as different. One of the things actually I've tried to sort of inject into the discussion through this book among other things is a recognition that there were very major questions still going on in the 18th and early 19th century that were unresolved, which were one of the reasons why slavery was not as morally repugnant to people then as it is to us now. And that's the question of polygenesis and monogenesis. At the time of Thomas Jefferson, the founding fathers were thinking and working. They didn't know because nobody knew whether the human races were related or not. There were arguments, the monogenesis argument that we were all indeed from the same racial stock. Polygenesis argument was that we weren't. Black Africans, Ethiopians, they're often referred to at the time because they provided some of the first slaves, were different from white Europeans, simply not related in any way. And that makes it easier, of course. That makes it easier to enslave people if you think they're not your brother. Am I my brother's keeper? No, he's not your brother, and it's a very, it was a very troubling argument in the 18th, 19th century, also because there was a biblical question. It threw up a theological question, which was, I mean, people were literally debating this at the time. Was there also a black Adam and Eve? Was there, as it were, an Indian Adam and Eve, a Native American Adam and Eve? This was a serious theological debate because they didn't know the answer. People say that Darwin solved this. It wasn't just Darwin, of course, but by the late 19th century, the argument that we were not all related as human beings had suffered so many blows that you had to really be very, very ignorant, deliberately, willfully ignorant to ignore it by then. So it no longer was, after Darwin, a theological question. It became a moral question. It was already a moral question, but it clarified, Darwin clarifies it definitely, and then you're in this, as I say, in this situation of you're not subjugating some other people. You're subjugating your own kin, and that becomes morally unsustainable. So given that slavery in America is part of its history, how do we incorporate into the calculus of policy today, social discourse, what we learn in school? We can look at slavery in America. We can look at maybe more recent things, like in Europe, the other atrocities, the Holocaust. How do we incorporate that in terms of how we create policy, how we treat each other, all those kinds of things? What is the calculus of integrating the atrocities, the injustices of the past into the way we are today? That's a very complex question, because it's a moral question at this point, and a moral question long after the fact. I say at one point in the War on the West that the argument, for instance, on reparations now that goes on, and it's not a fringe argument anymore. Some people say, oh, you're pulling up this fringe argument. It really isn't. I mean, every contender for the Democratic nomination for the presidency in 2020 was willing to talk about the possibility of reparations. Some very eager that this country, America, goes through that entirely self destructive exercise. I say that there's a lot of problems with this, but if I could refine it down to one thing, I'd say this. It's no longer about a wealth transfer from one group of people who did something wrong to another group of people who were wronged. It would have been that, could have been that 200 years ago. Today, it's not even the descendants of people who did something wrong giving money to people who were the descendants of people who were wronged. It's a wealth transfer from people who look like people who did a wrong thing in the past to another group of people who resemble people who were wronged. That's impossible to do, and I'm completely clear about this. There is no way in which you could organize such a wealth transfer on moral or practical reasons. America is filled with people who have the same skin color as us, for instance, who have no connection to the slave trade and should not be made to pay money to people who have some connection. And then the country's also filled with ethnic minorities who have come after slavery who would not be due for any reimbursement, as it were. The problem with this is, though, is that there are, I'm perfectly open to the possibility that there are residual inequities that exist in American life and that the consequences of slavery could be one of the factors that result from this. The thing is, I don't think it's a single issue answer. I think it's a multidimensional issue, something like black underachievement in America. It's obviously a multidimensional issue. Much of the left and others wish to say it's not. It's only about racism. And they can't answer why Asians who've arrived more recently don't, for instance, get held down by white supremacy. But actually, I say white supremacy in quotes, obviously. But don't get held back by it, but actually flourish to the extent that Asian Americans have higher household earnings and higher household mean equity than, home equity and so on, than white Americans. So I don't think that on the merits the evidence is there that racism is the explanation for black, ongoing black underachievement in some sections of the black community in America. It's obviously a part of it. Could you say that even those things like fatherlessness and similar family breakdown issues are a longterm consequence of it? Possibly, but it's being often said it's being awfully generous to people's ability to make bad decisions. For instance, how many generations after the Holocaust would you allow people to claim that everything that went wrong in the Jewish community was as a result of the Holocaust? I mean, is there some kind of term limit on this? I would have thought so. And I think most people probably think that's over. I think the details matter there, but it's very difficult. You're in deep waters, yeah. Oh, I enjoy swimming out in the ocean, so although I'm terrified of what's lurking underneath in the darkness. You're right, you're right to be. Okay, it's really complicated calculus with the Holocaust and with slavery. So the argument in America is that there's deep institutional racism against African Americans that's rooted in slavery. And so however that calculus turns out, that calculation, it still persists in the culture, in the institutions, in the allocation of resources, in the way that we communicate, in subtle ways, in major ways, all that kind of stuff. How is it possible to win or lose that argument of how much institutional racism there is that's rooted in slavery? Is it a winnable? It's an unquantifiable argument. And I'd like to apply some shortcuts to some of this, the following. who've got their timing like totally, totally wrong, or their estimation of the society they're in. You mean like most of society before in the 1930s, when Hitler was, I mean, so many people got Hitler wrong. Sure they did. And so. Most people. So maybe it was nice to have the alarmist thinking there. Well. Beware of the man with the mustache. Yes. If only it was that easy. Not always a bob facial hair. I always say that, I mean, what. Very often is. These two clean shaven chaps both say, one of the problems of everybody knowing a little bit about Nazism is that they think that they know where evil comes from and that it comes from like a German with a small mustache, getting people to goose step, for instance. And that's not correct. A much better understanding of it is, it can come from all number of directions and keep your antennae as good as you can. But once you end up in this society, which I would argue, certainly parts of America, where you're always in 1938, that's not healthy for a society either, where people are so primed and think they're so well trained because they spent a term in school learning about the Second World War and the Holocaust, think they're so well trained in Hitler spotting that they can do it all the time. Look at all these phrases we now have in our societies, like dog whistle. You know, as I always say, if you hear the whistle, you're the dog. But people say, that's a dog whistle, as if they're highly trained anti Nazis. I mean, you know, there should be some humility in it. We should be careful, we should be wary for sure. And we should also be slightly humble in our inability to spot everything. If not significantly humble, right, so if we can, there's something funny, if not dark, about the activity of Hitler spotting, if I just may take an aside. But so critical race theory, how much racism, what is racism? How much of it is in our world today? If we were thinking about this activity of Hitler spotting, and trying to steel man the case of if not critical race theory, but people who look for racism in our world, how much would you say? Well, it's a good thing to try to define. I would say that racism is the belief that other people are inferior to you. You could say, you could see a form of it where you thought people were superior to you. That could also happen, but more commonly, you see a group of people as being inferior to you simply by dint of the fact that they have a different racial background. And that's sort of the easiest way to define racism. As I say, I mean, there are types of racism, mainly antisemitism actually, perhaps it's the only one, which weirdly relies on a hatred of people who a certain type of person thinks are better than them. And that's a particular peculiarity, one of the peculiarities of antisemitism. Well, antisemitism somehow does both, right? Yes, one of the eternal fascinating things about antisemitism is it can do, it does everything at the same time. It's like a quantum racism. Yes. They're both superior and inferior. You know Vasily Grosman's Life and Fate? So in the middle of Life and Fate, which a Persian friend of mine always said was one of only two great novels of the 20th century, she was a very harsh literary critic. What was the other one? Oh, The Leopard, obviously. The Leopard? The Leopard by Giuseppe Dallan Pedusa, yeah. Okay. She's definitely right on that one. Life and Fate is a... I'm learning so much today, yes. Life and Fate is an extraordinary book, mainly about, well, you know, Grosman was obviously Jewish himself, but he saw almost everything that he could have done in the Second World War. He saw Stalingrad, he was a journalist, and he wrote firsthand accounts of Stalingrad. He was also the first journalist into Treblinka, and his account, which you can read in one of the collections of his journalism, his account of walking into Treblinka is just one of the most devastating, haunting pieces of journalism or prose you can read. Anyhow, I mention him because Grosman, in the middle of Life and Fate, which is about a 900 page novel, in the middle of it, which is about the dark axis around Stalingrad, he, well, at one point, he amazingly sort of goes into the minds of Earth Hitler and Stalin, and he says, Stalin, in his study, feels his counterpart in Berlin, and he says he feels very close to him at this moment. Wow, around Stalingrad, like leading up to the back. After Stalingrad, when the Germans are lost, he says he feels the closeness of Hitler. But Grosman, in the middle of Life and Fate, slap bang at the worst hours of the 20th century, suddenly dedicates a chapter to anti semitism, and I've seen anti semitism as something I've always been very interested in, because I've always had an instinctive utter revulsion of it, and also partly because of having seen bits of it in the Middle East and elsewhere, but I mention this because Grosman, in the middle of Life and Fate, takes time out and does this like three page explanation, three page description of anti semitism, and it's extraordinary. I mean, the only thing I can think of that's equally good is Gregor von Retzori, who wrote a luridly titled, but brilliant set of novellas called The Confessions of an Anti Semite, and about pre First World War anti semitism in Eastern and Central Europe. Anyway, Grosman says, in the middle of Life and Fate, that one of the extraordinary things about anti semitism is that it does everything at the same time, that the Jews get condemned in one place for being rich and in another for being poor, condemned in one place for assimilating and another for not assimilating, for assimilating too much and assimilating too little, for being too successful for not being successful enough. So I think it's the only racism that includes within it, a detestation, for the real anti semit, a detestation of people that the person may perceive to be better than them, correctly or otherwise. By the way, I'm embarrassed to say I have not read this one of two greatest novels of the 20th century, Life and Fate, Zhizny Sidba. And just to read off of Wikipedia, we see that Grosman, a Ukrainian Jew, became a correspondent for the Soviet military paper, Krasnaya Zvezda, having volunteered and been rejected from military service, he spent a thousand days in the front lines, roughly three of the four years of the conflict between the Germans and the Soviets, and the main themes covered in, how's it go, Life and Fate, I keep thinking Zhizny Sidba, is a theme on Jewish identity and the Holocaust, Grosman's idea of humanity and the human goodness, Stalin's distortion of reality and values, and science, life goes on, and reality of war. It's interesting, I need to definitely, definitely read it. I think you'll really get a lot from it. One of the other things, sorry, I'm raffling it, but one of the other things he does is that he has this extraordinary ability to talk about the absolute highest levels of the conflict and then zoom in, it's rather like the camera work they use in things like Lord of the Rings, where he zooms down and gets one person in the midst of all this, and you get on that. Or puts you in the study, too. So I personally have read and reread the William Shires, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, who's another journalist who was there, but he does not do, interestingly enough, given such a large novel, kind of the definitive work, the definitive original work that goes to source materials on Hitler, he doesn't touch anti semitism really. So. Big thing to miss out. Well, he just says it very calmly and objectively as he does for most of the work, that this was the fact of life. There's a lot of cruelty throughout, but he doesn't get to. Well, one of the things is, of course, they lost the war because of anti semitism. I mean, that's one kind of important way to view it. It's how Andrew Roberts, another historian, said it, is that in the end, the Nazis lost the war because they were Nazis. It sounds almost too neat, but it's worth remembering that at the end of the war, when the Germans need to be transporting troops and they need to be transporting very basic supplies, Eichmann makes sure he gets the trains to transport the Jews right up to the end. Well, that's certainly a dark possibility. Anyhow, but to go back to racism in general. Racism in general, apart from anti semitism, relies on the perception that another group of people, a racial group, other than your own, are inferior to you. That's what I'd say is the easiest shorthand of racism. And of course, it's one of the stupidest things that our species is capable of. I mean, one of the stupidest, that you can look at a person and guess them in their entirety, in fact, because of their skin color. I mean, it's like, what a stupid idea that is, as well as being an evil one. But I would say that one of the, I think it's a dangerous thing in our era that there are bits of it coming back. That's why I say we do need sort of, we need our antennae working. We just don't need them to be overactive or underactive, you know. Now, the book is War in the West, but speaking of racism, racism towards different groups based on their skin color, you've said that there's a war on white people in the US. Would you say that's the case? Would you say that there is significant racism towards white people in the United States? I'd say that white people in the United States are the only people who are told that they have hereditary sin. And that's a big one, just to start with. Based strictly on the color of their skin. Based on their skin color. I mean, I would find it so repugnant if, and I hope everybody would join me in feeling this, I would feel it so repugnant if there were any school of thought in America today that had any grasp on the public attention that said that black people were born into evil because of something their ancestors had done. Like they had the mark of Cain upon them. I mean, I think it would be such a vicious way to try to demoralize a group of people and to tell them that the things they would be able to achieve in their lives are much lessened because they should spend significant portions of their lives trying to do something that they didn't do. Is there a difference? And the obvious point left unsaid, but let's say it, nobody in the public square says that. I mean, they're the maniacs at the far fringes, but nobody in the mainstream would dare to say that, or I think even think that about any group of people other than white people. And does this mean that white people are more likely or does this mean that white people are more disadvantaged than black people? No, and again, let's not make this a competition, but let's not get into, I just desperately urge people not to get into the idea of hereditary sin according to racial background. Is there something to be said about the feature aspect, sort of play devil's advocate, about the asymmetry of sort of accusations towards the majority? So because white, so it's easier to attack a majority. It is much easier, but is there something to be said about that being a useful function of society that you always attack, that the minority has disproportionate power to attack the majority so that you can always keep the majority in check? Well, it's a dangerous game to play, isn't it? I think. It's a very dangerous game to play. That's a good summary of entirety of human civilization. Oh yeah, everything is dangerous. But it's a very dangerous game to play that. I wrote about this a bit in the Madness of Crowds when I was saying like gay rights people, the ones that still exist, the ones who don't have homes to go to, who want to beat up on straight people in a way, or want to make straight people feel like they're kind of unremarkable, uncool, you know, boring straights. So boring. So not like the magical pixie fairy dust gays. That's a bad idea to push that one. That's a bad idea. And some gays push that. Highly unwise, given the fact that about two to 3% of the population are actually gay, although now there's like an additional 20% who think they're like two spirit or something and all that bullshit, but they're just attention seekers. So let's not spend too much time on that. But equally, as I said in the Madness of Crowds, with the feminist movement, very unwise for half of the species to say that the other half of the species isn't needed. And there were always third and fourth wave feminists willing to make that nuts argument. Not first wave feminists. You didn't hear it in first wave feminists. You didn't hear it. Suffragette tended not to say we like the vote and men are scum. It would have been hard to have won everyone over to their side. Not least the men they needed to win over to their side. But you do get third and fourth wave feminists who say like, do we need men? Or men are all X. Again, it's a bad idea. It's a bad idea tactically. What if men, Richard Wrangham, somebody from Harvard, describes that men are the originators of violence, physical violence in society. And he argues that actually the world would be better off. No, just a very cold calculus. If you get rid of men, there will be a lot less violence in society is his claim. But who says you need to get rid of violence in society? But shouldn't that at least be a discussion? The pros and cons. Have a debate, a panel discussion, violence, pros and cons. Well, that's the sort of thing, if I can say so, that some weak ass academic decides to do because he thinks that his area of Boston would be nicer or whatever. He might decide it's useful if he was living in Kiev today to have violent men. I mean, it might, if New York was invaded right now, I'd need some violent men around here. But it wouldn't be invaded if there's no violent men. Well, there's also, at least there's some level of threat that you ought to exude that puts people off. If I was in, you know, I'm very glad that the men and women of Ukraine are capable of and more than capable of fighting for their country and for their neighbors and their families and much more. But it's better that there was violence ready to unleash when violence was unleashed upon them than that the whole society had been told that they should identify as non binary. But at least it's a conversation to have. Isn't there aspect to the sort of the feminist movement that is correct in challenging the... Some forms of violence, domestic violence, for instance. Although women are capable of that as well. I'm learning about this. We're all learning about this at the moment. I can't help but watch the entirety of it go down in this beautiful mess that is human relations. Okay. But just to finish up that thought, it's very unwise for women to war against men as it would be for men to war against women. It's highly, highly unwise to war on a majority population. And in America, Britain and other Western countries, white people are still a majority. And so why would you tell the majority of their evil by dint of their skin color? And think that that would be a good way to keep them in check. I mean, I'm not guilty of anything because of my skin color. I'm not guilty of anything. My ancestors didn't do anything wrong. And even if they had, why would I be held responsible for it? So to go back to Nietzsche, is there some aspect to where, if we try to explain the forces at play here, is it the will to power playing itself out from individual human nature and from group behavior nature? Is there some elements to this which is the game we play as human beings is always when we have less power, we try to find ways to gain more power. That's certainly one. The desire to grab is, let me see if I can find a quote for you on that. The desire to grab that which we think we're owed and to do it often in the guise of justice. I mean, justice is one of the great terms of our age and one of the great bogus terms of our age. People forever talk about their search for justice. It's amazing how violent they can often be in their search for justice and how many rules they're willing to break so long as they can say they're after justice and how many norms they can trample so long as they can say it's in the name of justice. You can burn down buildings in the name of justice. Well, the majority groups throughout history, including those with white skin color have done the same in the name of justice. We come up with all kinds of sexy terms in our propaganda machines to sell whatever atrocities we'd like to commit. One of the quotes from Nietzsche that I liked and I quoted in this book. Careful, I'm judging you harshly. Yeah, of course. Nietzsche says that one of the dangers of men of resentment is they'll achieve their ultimate form of revenge, which is to turn happy people into unhappy people like themselves, to shove their misery in the faces of the happy so that in due course the happy, and this is quoting Nietzsche, start to be ashamed of their happiness and perhaps say to one another, it's a disgrace to be happy. There is too much misery. This is something to be averted. The sick, says Nietzsche, must not make the healthy sick too or make the healthy confuse themselves with the sick. Well, I think that again, there's a lot of that going on. How could I be happy when there is unhappiness in the world? Why should I not join the ranks of the unhappy? I think Dostoevsky has a book about that as well. Sure. Knows From Underground. Okay. This has been very Russian, Russian focus. I'm very pleased with another times, but Dostoevsky and Grossman and others have come in. I wasn't doing this as a sort of. Yeah, well, it's always good to plug the greats and get to know they're still relevant. Do you speak Russian by the way at all? Which I did. I'm told it's a 10 year language basically to learn from scratch as my friends who have done it. Well, there's the language and then there's the personality behind the language and the personality. I feel like you already have. So you just need to know the surface details. Okay. In fact, the silence to be silent in the Russian language is something that's already important. Oh, I should, if we had a moment, I'd tell you my story about Stalin's birthplace. Should I tell you that? No. I once went to Gori where Stalin was born. Have you been? No, no. I was there just after the Georgia war. And I went to the nomads land in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. And I said, I really got to go to Gori also here because the shell had landed in Gori rather weirdly from the Russian side and Gori is where Stalin was born. And of course, Gori is in Georgia. And when we had the museum of Stalin's birthplace, they'd been trying to change for some years because it had been unadulteratedly pro Stalin for years. And the Georgian authorities, this is in Saakashvili's time, were trying to make it into a museum of Stalinism. And it was really tough. The only place I've seen which is similar is the house in Mexico City where Trotsky was killed. That also is that they're not quite sure to do. They don't want to say he's a bad guy because they think that people won't come anyhow. Stalin's house in Gori had changed from the museum of Stalin to the museum of Stalinism. There was this large Georgian woman with a pink pencil who just had clearly been doing the tour for 50 years and just pointed all the facts. She did that classic thing. I've also saw it once in North Korea where they sort of that sort of communist thing where they say, here is, this is 147 feet high by 13 feet deep. They give you lots of facts. I don't care. What does it matter? They always give you facts. This is Stalin's suitcase. It is 13 inches wide by, you know, this isn't. Anyhow, and this woman did all of this and it was all just wildly pro, not pro Stalin, just explaining Stalin's life. It was just a great local boy done good. They didn't mention the fact he killed more Georgians per capita than anyone else. Local boy done good. And we get to the end and before being taken to the gift shop where they sell red wine with Stalin's face on it and among other things, and a lighter with Stalin on it, they took you to a little room under the stairs and they said, this is a replica of interrogation cell to show, represent horror of what happened in Stalin time. Now, gift shop. As I said, there's no, no kind of thing. And I took the woman aside at the end. I discovered she'd said this to other journalists and visited before. I took her aside and said, what do you think about communist Stalin? And she said, let's say she'd obviously done this during communist times. She said, it's not my place to judge, that sort of thing. Which is an interesting comment in itself. I said, yeah, but he killed more Georgians than anyone and all that sort of thing. And she said, it's not my place to judge or to give my views and that sort of thing. And eventually I said, well, what do you feel about it? And she said, it was like a hurricane, it happened. That's interesting because if I may mention Clubhouse once again, I got a chance to talk to a few people from Mongolia, there's a woman from Mongolia and they talked about the fact that they deeply admire Stalin, love. She sounded, if I may, hopefully that's not crossing line. I think I'm representing her correctly in saying she admired him almost like, loved him. Like the way people love like Jesus, like a holy figure. Well, isn't that still the case in large parts of Russia? I mean, Stalin keeps on winning greatest Russian of all time. And that's perhaps, maybe there's a dip, but if we were to think about the long arc of history, perhaps that's going to go up and up and up and up. There's something about human memory that it just, you forget the details of the atrocities of the past and remember that. I mean, think of the number of people we talk about as historical heroes, Napoleon. I mean, British people don't talk about Napoleon as a hero, but the French, now you're, now you're on tricky ground. But no, but like the French, normally my Napoleon and there had many Admiral Aswit who was also an unbelievable brute and killed many people unnecessarily. And there are lots of figures from history that we sort of cover that over with. Yeah, yeah. Can we mention Churchill briefly? Because he is one of the, you can make a case for him being one of the great representers or great figures historically of Western civilization. And then there's a lot of people from, not a lot. I know, I have like three friends and one of them happens to be from London. And they say that he's not a good person. Why? So listen, this friend, we did not discuss. I just, this is an opinion poll of the three friends, but I do know that there's quite a bit, you know. There's a backlash going on at the moment. At the moment and in general, there's a spirit like reflecting on the darker sides of some of these historical figures, like challenging history through, it's not just critical race theory. It's challenging history through, well, are the people we think of as heroes, what are their flaws? And are they in fact villains that are convenient, sort of, we're there at the right time to accidentally do the right thing. Accidentally? I hope this isn't the representative fair summation of your friend in London's views. No, she's going to be quite mad at this, but I didn't say the name, so it could be any friend. It could be, it's like a girlfriend in Canada. Well, see, I. You've given that away. Well, that's, of course I would not. I made that up completely. It's all, just like my girlfriend in Canada, she's completely a figment of my imagination. Nevertheless, Winston Churchill is somebody, I mean, just looking at reading The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich is an incredible figure that to me, so much of World War II is marked, leading up to the war is marked by stunning amounts of cowardice by political leaders, and it's fascinating to watch here this person clearly with a drinking and a smoking problem. Was he? I didn't understand why that's a negative. No, I didn't say, you see. Yeah, you throw it in as if it is. No, well, it's called humor. I'll explain it to you one day what that means, but he stood. Explain dry humor. He stood up, he stood up to what we now see as evil when at the time it was not so obvious to see. You know, so that's just a fascinating figure of Western civilization. I'd love to get your comments. The real criticisms, I mean, smoking and drinking. The real criticisms of Churchill are quite easy to sum up, and I do so in the War on the West, actually. I say these are the things that they now use against him. Didn't do enough to avert the Bengal famine in 1943, for instance. That's been shot down by numerous historians, including Indian historians. In the middle of the war, in the middle of a world war, Churchill did what he could to get grain supplies diverted from Australia to Bengal. The famine was appalling. It was caused by a typhoon. It was not caused by Winston Churchill, and the idea that some, basically, Indian nationalist historians have pumped out in recent years, and just anti Churchill figures, that he actually wanted Indians to die is just total calumny. And when people claim, some people claim that, I mean, there was a few very ignorant scholars, nevertheless with some credentials, who claim that Churchill wanted the Indian population to basically be genocided. And it's complete nonsense, not least by the fact that during the period which in question Indian population boomed. So that's one of the main ones. Another one is that he had some views that we now had regarded as racist. He definitely regarded races as being of different characters, and that there were superior races, and the, as it were, the white European was a superior culture. He was born in Victorian England, so he had some Victorian attitudes. These are things in the negative side of the ledger, and as with all history, you should have a negative and a positive side of the ledger. Positive side of the ledger includes he almost certainly did more than any one human being to save the world from Nazism. So that should count as something. And one of the reasons I talk about Churchill in this regard is to stress that if you get, I'm not trying to stop anyone doing history at all. I don't think that the revisionism of recent years about Churchill or the founding fathers of America or anyone else is anything I want to stop. I find it interesting, find it interesting not least because it's so sloppy on occasions, but I find it interesting and it's important. And we should be able to see people in the round. But that includes recognizing the positive side of the ledger. And if you can't recognize that side, you're doing something else. You're doing something else. It's not history. It's some form of politicking of a very particular kind. And I think it's the same thing with the founding fathers. There are some people, for instance, certainly since the 90s who have pushed the Sally Hemings, Thomas Jefferson story to show that Thomas Jefferson was some kind of brute. As a result, we see Jefferson's statue being removed from the council chamber of the city we're sitting in last November by council members who said that Thomas Jefferson no longer represents our values. If you can't recognize greatness of Thomas Jefferson and that he had flaws, I mean, that's not a grownup debate. And weigh them and weigh them in the context of the time. But let me sort of throw a curveball at you then. What about recognizing the positive and the negative of a fellow with nice facial hair called Karl Marx? Sure, sure. I mean, I have a section in The War in the West, as you know, where I go for Karl Marx with some glee. So he seems to have gotten some popularity in the West recently. Not just recently, yeah. I mean, he's had a resurgence recently. Yes, resurgence. Well, that's because whenever things are seen to go wrong, people reach for other options. And when, for instance, it's very hard for people to accumulate capital, it's not obvious that they're gonna become capitalists. And so one thing that happens is people say, let's look at the Marxism thing again, see if that's a viable goer. And my argument would simply be, point me to one place that's worked. Well, the argument from the Marxists or the Marxian economists is that we've only really tried it once, the Soviets tried it, and then there's a few people that kind of tried the Soviet thing. Huber tried it? Well, they basically, it's an offshoot of the Soviet, yes. They've tried it. They tried it in Venezuela. Yes, yes, yes. So let's just quickly say, how did all these experiments go? Well, they failed in fascinating ways. They did, but they failed. Yes, they failed. We should stress, so grossly failed. So grossly failed that they threw millions and millions of people into completely thwarted lives that were much shorter than they should have been. Yeah, so the lesson to learn there, that you can learn several lessons. One is that anything that smells like Marxism is going to lead to a lot of problems. Now, another lesson could be, well, what is the fundamental idea that Marx had? He was criticizing capitalism and the flaws of capitalism. So is it possible to do better than capitalism? And that's, if you take that spirit, you start to wonder. That might actually become relevant in, I don't know, 20, 30, 50 years when the machines start doing more and more of the labor, all those kinds of things. You start to ask questions. You finally might get to Marx's dream of what the average day would look like. Yes. Well, there's gonna be an awful lot of literary criticism then. If you remember, that's what Marx said that we would be doing in the evenings, the laborer in the evening. Well, he didn't know Twitter was a thing, or Netflix. So he would change. Are there things we could learn from Marx plausibly, possibly? I can't think of anything myself offhand. But to have a critique of capitalism isn't by any means a bad thing in this society. I'd rather that it was a critique of capitalism that showed how you improve capitalism, a critique of the free market that showed how people could get better access to the free market, how you could ensure, for instance, that young people get onto the property ladder, things like that. Those are constructive things. The people who say we must have Marxism, I mean, don't know what the hell they're talking about, because that never leads to any of those things. Haven't led in the past. It's never led in the past. And at some point, you've got to try to work out how many attempts you make at this damn philosophy before you realize that every attempt always leads to the same thing. I would say we could pretend that fascism has never been properly tried and that it was unfortunate what happened in Nazi Germany, but that wasn't real fascism. And Mussolini's fascism didn't go all that well, but it was a bit better. And maybe we could try a bit more Franco fascism. Nobody would have any time for this crap, nor should they. The people who try that are reviled, and quite rightly. So why do we tolerate it with the Marxism thing? And it's a great mystery to me, the way that people do tolerate it. Always, always in this stupid way of saying, we haven't done it yet. And if you keep trying the same recipe, and every time it comes out as shit, it's that the recipe is shit. Well, sort of, I'm trying to practice here by playing devil's advocate, practice the same idea that you mentioned, which is, when you say the word Marxism, should you throw out everything, or should you ask a question, is there good ideas here? And the same, it's the good, it's weighing the good and the bad, and being able to do so calmly and thoughtfully. Sure. You know the famous George Orwell comment on the style, in an argument with a Stalinist? Do you know this? That's one of my favorite quotes. George Orwell, in the early 40s, gets into an argument with a Stalinist. He's also a Marxist. And this is after the show trials, 37. This is when it's very clear what Marxism in the Russian form is. And this, Orwell is in the discussion with this Marxist, and it goes on and on, and eventually Orwell says, well, you know, what about the show trials, and what about what's happened in the Ukraine, and the famines, and much more, and the purges, and the purges, and the purges, and eventually the Stalinist says to Orwell what Orwell knows he's going to say all along, which is, he says, you can't make an omelet without breaking eggs. And Orwell says, where's the omelet? Oh, yeah, that's a good, that's a really good, because that's a... Look at this by this stage, okay? How many... Where's my damn omelet? How many just messy, big, bloody, eggy piles have the Marxists created by now in country after country? Yeah. Always next time they're going to produce the great omelet, but they never have, and they never will, because the whole thing is rotten from the start. But let me just also say one thing about, because of course Marx isn't as nice as he sounds, and that's one of the things that I try to highlight in the book is, if we're going to do this reductive thing of people in history and saying, well, they had views that were of their time, and we must therefore condemn them for them, say, fine, let's do the same thing with Marx. And there were things I quote in this book from Marx's letters, not least letters to Engels, and indeed in his published writings, in pieces he was writing for the American press in the 1850s, the way he has horrible views on slavery and colonialism and much more. But the main thing is, I mean, the horrible things he says about black people and the constant use of the N word. In fact, when I was doing the audio book for the war in the West, I had to decide, will I read out the quotes from Marx or not? If I had read them out, I'd have been canceled because people would have just said, you've been using the N word so much in this passage. And I slightly thought of doing it so that I could say I was only quoting Marx to try to hit the point home. In the end, of course, I was sensible and decided not to, but Marx's letters are disgusting on these terms. Since I highlighted this in this book and some of the media picked it up and have popularized this thing I'm trying to put into the system, which is if you're gonna accuse Churchill of racism, if you're gonna accuse Jefferson of racism, Washington of racism, and so on, what about Marx? The two things that Marxists have said since this came out has been, first of all, why are you saying this about Marx? He was a man of his time, like everyone else. And the second thing they say is, we don't go to Marx for his horrible abhorrent views on race. So talking about mixed race people as gorillas and so on. We don't go to him for that. We go to him for his economic theories. I say, okay, well, we don't go to Thomas Jefferson for his views on slaves. We don't go to Churchill for the precise language he used that points in the 1910s about Indians. Or his health advice. Or his health advice. Actually, I do get him for that. That explains so much. But let's have some standards on this. And that's why I'm very suspicious of the fact that the people don't do this with Marx because I think what they're trying, what some people are trying to do, and this may sound conspiratorial, but I really don't think it is. I think that some people are deliberately trying to completely clear the cultural landscape of our past in order to say there's nothing good. Nothing you can hold on to. No one you should revere. You've got no heroes. The whole thing comes down. Who's left standing? Oh, we've also got this idea from the 20th century still about Marxism. Well, the 19th and 20th centuries. And no, no. You will not have the entire landscape deracinated. And then the worst ideas tried again. So basically destroy all of history and the lessons learned from history and then start from scratch. And then it's completely any idea can work and then you could just take whatever. Well, and the thing is there are always some people with pre preferred ideas. And I mentioned this also with the postcolonialists. The postcolonialists were really interesting because when the European powers were moving from Africa and the Far East, postcolonial movements had one obvious move they could have done, which was to say, since the European powers have left, we will return to a pre colonial life, which in some of their places would have been returning to slave markets and slave ownership and slave selling and much more. But put that aside for a second. They could have said we have an indigenous culture which we will return to. Almost uniformly in the postcolonial era, you had figures like France Fanon, you had European intellectuals like Sartre, who said the Western powers are retreating from these countries and therefore we should institute in these countries what but Western Marxism. Well, it's not obvious to me that like the bad ideas will be the ones that emerge, but it's more likely the bad ideas would emerge in this kind of context when you erase history, when you erase tradition. When you erase history and you leave some ideas deliberately uninterrogated. I mean, as I say, find me one in a hundred American students who've heard of any of the communist despots of the 20th century. I mean, name recognition in, there was a poll done a few years ago in the UK and like name recognition among children, school children for Stalin, let alone Mao. I mean, Mao who kills more people than anyone, 65 million Chinese, perhaps. How many students in America know what Mao was, who he was, where he was, nothing. Or the atrocities committed. Where the atrocities were committed. And I worry about that because it means that we might have learned one of the two lessons of the 20th century. We think we've learned one of the two lessons of the 20th century. We actually haven't learned that lesson. We've learned a little bit of it. And we've not learned the other one at all. Because that's why we still have people in American politics and elsewhere actually talking about collectivization and things. As if there's no problem with that. And as if it's perfectly obvious. And they could run it and they'd know exactly where to stop. What are the two lessons of the 20th century? Fascism and communism. Yeah. I mean, I'm not exactly sure what exactly the lessons are. No, it's not clear. If the lessons were very clear, we'd be better at it. Well, one is your book broadly applied of madness of crowds. That's one lesson. Well, how so? Meaning like large crowds can display herd like behavior. Yes, be very suspicious of crowds. Yeah. In general, I mean, you apply it in different, more to modern application. Yeah. In a sense, but that's rooted in history, that crowds can, when humans get together, they can do some quite radically silly things. Elias Kaneti is very good on that, crowds and power. And Eric Hoffer, who is a sort of self taught, amazing, not to say autodidactic writer, the true believer and so on. He was extremely good on that. But the reason I mentioned the two things, no, I mean, we should have realized the two nightmares of the 20th century fascism and communism, that we should know how they came about. And we're interested in learning how one of them came about, fascism. And we know some of the lessons, like don't treat other people as less than you because of their race. That's one lesson. But we've done some good at learning that. But the second one, not to do communism again, not to do socialism, I think we're way away from knowing because we don't know how it happened. And the little temptations are still there always. Look at people saying, I'm gonna expropriate your property. If people do things they don't like, they will get, we can't wait to take your property. Well, there's a sense, there's an appealing sense. Okay, every ideology has an appealing narrative behind it that sells the ideology. So for socialism, for communism is that there's a, it seems unfair that the working class does all of this work and gets only a fraction of the output. It just seems unfair. So you wanna make it. If they do get a fraction of the output, yes. Yes, and so it seems to be more fair if we increase that. If the workers own all of the value of their output and things that are more fair seems to be a good thing. I'd say, well, yeah, I mean, fairness is, I like fairness as a term. No, I much prefer fairness because it's a much easier thing to try to work out. It's quite amorphous itself as a concept, but everyone can recognize it. So for instance, should the boss of the company earn a million times that of the lowest paid employee? Doesn't seem fair. Should they earn maybe five or 10 times the salary of the lowest employee? Yeah, possibly, that could be fair. There are certain sort of multiples which are within the bounds of reasonableness. I think actually that's the much bigger problem in capitalism at the moment as I see it is the not untrue perception that a tiny number of people accrue a lot of the benefits and that the bit in the middle has become increasingly squeezed and is at danger always of falling all the way down to the bottom. I mean, I think in the snakes and ladders of American capitalism, for instance, it's a correct perception to say that the snakes go down awfully far. If you tread on the snake, you can plummet an awfully long way in America. And the deal in the game was that the ladders took you high and there's a perception, and again, it's not entirely wrong that the ladder system on the board is kind of broken. So what you're saying is you're a Marxist. I'm not saying I'm a Marxist. You heard that here first in the out of context blog post you're going to write about this. I get to that, I get back to this point. The way to critique capitalism, if it's gone bad, is to get better capitalists. Free markets where they're not fair should be made fair. Never decide that the answer is the thing that has never produced any human flourishing, i.e. Marxism. So as you describe in The Madness of Crowds the herd like behavior of humans that gets us into trouble, you as an individual thinker and others listening to this, how can you, because all of us are mids crowds, we're influenced by the society that's around us, by the people that's around us. How can we think independently? How can we, if you're in the Soviet Union at the beginning of the 20th century, if you're in, I don't know, Nazi Germany at the end of the 30s or the 40s, how can you think independently? Given, first of all, that it's hard to think independently, just intellectually speaking, but also that it just becomes more and more dangerous. So the incentive to think independently under the uncertainty that's usually involved with thinking is, I mean, it's a silly thing to say, but on Twitter there is a cost to be paid for going against the crowd on any silly thing. We can even talk about, what is it? Will Smith slapping Chris Rock. There's a crowd that believes that that was unjustified. I forget what the crowd decided. But I don't. Crowd split on that one. It's safe to have one opinion either way. Okay, it is, right. But there is, you put it very nicely, that there's clearly a calculus here and that you can measure, on Twitter in particular, you can measure kind of the crowd, a sense of where the crowd lays. Michael Jackson. Mm hmm. Well, oh boy. I don't want to, this is not a legal discussion. I don't have my lawyer present. I don't even have a lawyer. The man in question is dead. But I think most people who are not just diehard fans would concede that Michael Jackson had a strange relationship with children and was almost certainly a pedophile. Is that, was that, did the crowd agree on that? No, the crowd hasn't agreed because he's too famous and we all love Thriller. Yeah, we do. So you said people who are not fans, I just don't. No, I'm a fan of Michael Jackson, but I think he was almost certainly a pedophile. And, but nobody wants to give up dancing to bad at weddings. So they just kind of added in. It's fine. Seriously, it's a genius. Your law does not apply to Bill Cosby. Well, he wasn't, he was, of course, one of the most famous people in America. But maybe he wasn't regarded as talented. Oh, oh wow, there's depth to this calculation. There's a genius opt out in all cultures. There's a genius opt out in all cultures. Look at Lord Byron. Lord Byron shagged his sister. Doesn't affect his reputation. In fact, if anything, it kind of adds to it. But then again, this kind of war against the West, genius is actually makes you more likely, or no, to get canceled. So if you look at the genius of Thomas Jefferson, or... Well, yes, because if you haven't done anything remarkable, nobody will come looking for you passively, yeah. Oh, so genius can get you in trouble eventually. Sidle through life with nobody noticing. Be totally harmless and then die and hope you haven't used any carbon. But you were asking about how to survive the era of social media, as it were, and the crowds. And there's a very simple answer to that. Don't overrate the significance of the unreal world. Oh, come on, but this is still human psychology. Because you want to fit in. There's a, you want to... Why? Because you like people, and you're just as a... Why not just like a small number of people and ignore the rest? Yeah, that's... That's what I do. Well, I mean, I actually like most people, and that isn't a general thing. I don't have detestation for most people at all. Most people I kind of enjoy speaking with and being with. But in terms of storing your sense of self worth in absolute strangers, big mistake. Yeah, well, me, that's... Listen, let's turn into a therapy session. Because for me, and I think I represent some number of population, is I'm pretty self critical. I'm looking for myself in the world. And there is a depth of connection with people on the internet. I mean, I have some... I think there's a shallowness of it. It's shallow connection. Interesting, I... Put it this way. If you became very ill tomorrow, would any of them help? On the internet? No, no. Good, that's a good test. Yeah, that's a good test. But then at the end of the day, yeah, you're right. Your very close friends would help, family would help. Yeah, and perhaps that's the only thing... You can't store significant amounts of trust, or faith, or belief, or self worth in places which will not return it to you. Okay, so let's talk about the more extreme case, the harsher case. When you talk about the things you talk about in the war on the West and madness of crowds, I mean, you're getting a lot of blowback, I'm sure. As for the listener, you just shrugged lightly. It was a zen like look on your face. So you don't... All you need is Sam Harris to say that you're brilliant and you're happy. No, no, I love Sam. Yeah. Deeply pleased when he flatters me, but I mean, and he's nice about me, but no, I don't just rely on Sam. No, I mean, why would I mind? I mean, maybe it's self selecting. If I didn't have the view I had about that, or whatever armory it is that I have on that, I wouldn't do what I did, maybe. I mean, have you been to some dark places psychologically because of the challenging ideas you explore? So like significant self doubt, just kind of... I can't say I've been unaffected by everything in my life. By any means, that would make me an automaton of some kind. There's definitely times I've got things wrong and regretted that. There's times I've... There was a period around the time I wrote my book, The Strange Death of Europe, which was a very, very dark time. And it wasn't because I was having a dark time in my life, but because of the book I was writing. Oh, because of the places you had to go in order to write that book. And, well, I was contemplating the end of a civilization. So occasionally now I have maybe slightly too pat at this stage, but sometimes readers come up to me in the street or whatever and say, you know, I love The Strange Death of Europe. And will say, you know, very depressing book to read, however, I would say, well, you should have tried writing it. But it was because, I mean, it has chunks of it, which I'm very proud of in particular about the death of religion, the death of God, the loss of meaning and the void. And that's difficult stuff to write about and to grapple with. And there is a sort of, I haven't reread that book since it came out, but I think there are passages in it which reveal what I was thinking very clearly in the poetry of it, as it were, as well as the detail. But, yeah, I can't say, I'm used to saying what I think and what I see. And if there's any pushback I've got from that, I'm completely consoled that I'm saying what I see with my own eyes. That's your source of strength, is that you're always seeking the truth as best you see it. Well, I can't agree to go along with a lie if I've seen something with my own eyes. Do you ever, so speaking of Sam Harris, and I mentioned to you offline, a lot of people, I talk to a lot of smart people in my private life on this podcast, and a lot of them will reference you as their example of a very smart person. So given that compliment, do you ever worry that your sort of ego grows to a level where what you think is the truth is no longer the truth? Is this kind of, it blinds you? And also, on top of that, the fact that you stand against the crowd often, that there's part of it that appeals to you, that you like to point out the emperor has no clothes. I get a certain thrill from the friction. Yeah, that sometimes both your ego and the thrill of friction will get you to deviate from the truth and instead, just look for the friction. Could do, could do for sure. I try to keep alive to that. I mean, early in my career, I realized that, for instance, I didn't want to make enemies unnecessarily, any more than strictly necessary, because there was a very large number of already necessary enemies. And I remember once, I won't go into the details, but I already had one sort of thing I'd done that week, and then another thing came out, and I just thought, I can't, I can't do that. And I remember thinking, don't be the sort of person who's forever creating storms, and I tried to make sure I wasn't. And I think I've pretty much stuck to that. But to answer your question, well, the first thing is I'm as confident as I can be that I wouldn't fall into the trap you described. Two reasons. I mean, one is that I don't think of myself as a wildly intelligent person, partly because I'm very, very aware of the things I know nothing about. I mean, for instance, I have almost no knowledge of the details of finance or economic theory. I mean, the real details. I don't mean the big picture of the kind that we were just discussing earlier, but I have, if you put the periodic table in front of me, the periodic table in front of me, I would struggle to do more than a handful. I am very conscious of huge gaps in my knowledge. And where I have gaps or chasms, I tend to find that I have a disproportionate admiration for the people who know that stuff. Are, for instance, all, let's take the EVV1 that's most often cited. If a white person is walking down a street in America and they see a group of young black men coming towards them and it's late at night and they cross the road, is it because of slavery? Is it because of institutional racism? No, it's because they've made a calculus based not entirely on unfounded beliefs that given crime rates, it's possible that this group of people might be a group of people they don't want to meet late at night. That's an ugly fact, but as crime statistics in American cities after American cities bear out, it's not an entirely unreasonable one. It's not reasonable every time, obviously, obviously. But is it attributable to slavery? That's a stretch. If you're in a city like Chicago where the homicide rates shot up in the last two years, albeit again, as always has to be remembered, mainly black on black gun violence and knife violence. Nevertheless, if you're in a city like Chicago and you make that calculus I've just suggested, the cliched one, the street late at night, there are other factors other than that. Factors other than a memory of slavery that kick in. And I'm afraid it's something which people don't want to particularly acknowledge in America for obvious reasons, because it's the ugliest damn debate in the world. But I was actually just writing in my column in New York Post today about a very interesting case that's sort of similar, which is the question of obesity in the US. As you know, America's the most overweight country in the world. America has, I think, 40% of the population is obese in medical ways, and the nearest next country is a long way down, that's New Zealand, at 30% of the population. So America's a long way ahead. Why during the coronavirus era when we know that obesity is the one clearest factor that's likely to lead to your hospitalization if you also get the virus? Why did almost no public health information in America focus on obesity? 80% of the people who ended up hospitalized in America with coronavirus were obese. We locked the schools when there was no evidence that the coronavirus was deadly for children. We all wore cloth masks when there was a very little evidence that this was much use in stopping the spread of the virus. We had massive evidence about obesity being a problem, and we never addressed it. Why? Is it just because we worried about fat people? No, it's actually because about fat shaming, as it were. No, it's also because to a great extent it's a racial issue in America as well. And actually I quoted this new publication from the University of Chicago, as it happens, which makes that claim explicit, says, the reasons why people have views that are negative about obesity is because of racism and slavery. This is what everything is drawn back to in America. Anything you want to stop, you say it's because of racism, it's because of slavery. How about it's actually because you mind the hospitals getting clogged up, you mind people dying, you mind ethnic minorities disproportionately dying, and you'd like to say something about it. Once again, as in everything in America, it's cut off by some poorly educated academic saying it's about slavery. So we're really not, I mean, this requires a kind of form of brain surgery to perform it on a society, probably one that's not possible without killing the patient. And it's being done by people who are wearing mittens. So I'm sure that there's a few folks listening to this that are rolling their eyes and saying, here we go again, two white guys talking about the lack of institutional racism in America. First of all, what would you like to tell them? So our African American friends who are looking at this, and I've gotten the chance to talk to a bunch of them on Clubhouse recently. Clubhouse is this social app. And I really enjoy it. It's an absolute zoo of an app as far as I can see it. I personally love it because you get to talk to, as somebody who's an introvert and doesn't socialize much, I enjoy talking to people from all walks of life. So it gave me a chance to first of all practice Russian and Ukrainian, so I get the chance to do that. Then you get a chance to talk about Israel and Palestine with people who are from that part of the world. And you get to hear raw emotion of people from the ground where they start screaming, they start crying, they start being calm and collected and thoughtful. And this is as if you walked into a bar with custom picked regular folks, in quotes, regular folks. Just people that have, quote unquote, lived experiences. Real pain, real hope, real emotions, biases, and you get to listen to them go at it. With no, because it's an audio app, you're not allowed to start getting into a physical fist fight. So even though it really sounds like people want it. It sounds like it's happening, yeah. Yeah, and so you get to really listen to that feeling. And for example, it allows a white guy like me from another part of the world, coming from the former Soviet Union, to go into a room with a few hundred African Americans screaming about Joe Rogan using the N word. And I get to really listen. There's very different perspectives on that in the African American community, and it's fascinating to listen. So I don't get access to that by excellent books and articles written and so on. You get that real raw emotion. And I'm just saying, there's a few of those folks listening to this with that real raw emotion. And one argument they say is you, Douglas Murray, and you, Lex Freeman, don't have the right to talk about race and racism in America. It is our struggle. You are from a privileged class of people that don't know what it's like to be a black man or woman in America walking down the street. Can you steel man that case? First of all, fuck that. That's not, I think we need to define steel, steel manning. Okay, I know what steel manning is. I really resent that form of argumentation. Sure. I really resent it. I have the right to talk about whatever the hell I want, and no one's gonna stop me or try to intimidate me or tell me that I can't simply because of my skin color. And I think that if I said to somebody else the other way around, it would be equally reprehensible. If I said, shut up, you have no right to criticize anything that Douglas Murray says because you've not got my skin color. Okay, it's not an exact comparison, but seriously, is that a reasonable form of argument? You haven't been through everything I've been through in my life, therefore you can't comment. No, in that case, nobody can talk about anything. We might as well pack up, go home, and isolate ourselves. Strong words, but can you try to steel man the case, not in this particular situation, but there's people that have lived through something that can comment in a very specific way, like for example, Holocaust survivors. Yes. There is a sense in which, maybe a basic sense of civility when a Holocaust survivor is speaking about their experience of the Holocaust, then an intellectual from a very different part of the world is simply writing about nuanced geopolitics of World War II just should not interrupt the Holocaust survivor. We physically interrupt them if they're telling their stories. No, with words, with logic and reason that the experience of the Holocaust survivor somehow fundamentally has a deeper understanding of the humanity and the injustice of the. First of all, again, we're in even deeper waters now, but in terms of wanting to listen to another person who has experienced something, yes, yes. But not endlessly, not endlessly. I mean, there are some people who've written about, I mean, there are people who've written about the Holocaust who didn't experience the Holocaust and have written about it better than people who did. It's not this idea that the lived experience to use this terrible modern jargon as if there's another type. This idea that the lived experience has to triumph over everything else is not always correct. It can be correct in some circumstances. If you are sitting in a room with a Holocaust survivor and somebody who'd never heard about the Holocaust and wanted to kind of shoot out their views on it, yeah, one of those people should be heard more than the other, obviously, obviously. If there's somebody who's experienced racism firsthand and there's somebody else who has never experienced it, then obviously you'd want to hear from the person who has experienced it firsthand, if that is the discussion underway. I don't think that it's the case that that is endlessly the case. I'm also highly reluctant to concede that there are groups of people Like I'm wildly impressed by people who understand money, really understand it, because I think, how the hell do you do that? And the same thing with biologists, medics, stuff I just know very little about. And that's a source of humility for you, just knowing that. Yes, I mean, I think, well, I can get on that stuff, but I mean, Jesus, if you got me on the general knowledge. I would say that thing, some years ago, there's a thing in the UK called University Challenge. And I was asked some years ago on to, there's a sort of psych celebrity, one of former students of the universities or colleges asked to go back for the Christmas special. And I was asked to be one of the people from my old college to go back and compete in the sort of celebrity alumni one. And the only thing I actually wanted to do, it was go discover the Louis Theroux had been to my college before my time. And he was on, he'd agreed to be on the team. And I thought, well, I'd love to meet Louis Theroux, that'd be great fun. And anyhow, and I said, well, I really don't want to do it. And they said, come on, you'd be great. I said, I wouldn't, I'd show myself up to be a total asshole and ignoramus. And as it was, I sat down my flat and I watched some past episodes of University Challenge. I realized I'd have just sat mute for the whole half hour. I just couldn't, the first question was about physics. And the second one was about, as it was, I watched the one and I could answer the first two or three questions of the one that actually went out because they made it a bit simpler. But I mean, I'm terribly conscious of the, and I said to the producers, I said, I can't go on because I mean, I just couldn't answer the questions. These unbelievably smart students seem to be able to answer on a whole range of things. So I'm perfectly aware of my limitations and... You contemplate your limitations. Yeah, and they're forever before me, you know. They're not hard to find in every day. And then on top of that, I suppose, it's, in a way, you know that line from Rudyard Kipling's alternately brilliant and slightly nauseating poem, If? There's a line. You just enjoy a good poem, can you? Well, no, it's not, I can enjoy a great poem. But I mean, a good poem. This is, you know, slightly off. But, well, it's up to you. This goes to your criticism of Dostoevsky. Take Douglas's criticism with a grain of salt, so. Maybe I've read it too many memorial services and things. But that line is a good piece of advice. If you can learn to meet triumph and disaster and greet these two imposters just the same. That's a good line. It's a good line. It's skipping off an amazing turn of line. But I do think that it's a very sensible thing to try to greet triumph and disaster and regard them as imposters and greet them just the same. And actually, anyone who knows me knows that I never, partly it's because I have a sort of belief in the old gods and that the moment that I thought that I was at the moment of triumph, the fates would hitch up their skirts and run at me at a million miles an hour. But it's also because, anyone who knows me knows I never have a moment when I say, that's just great. I feel totally fulfilled and victorious. I mean, it happened to me recently when the war in the West went straight to number one in the bestseller list. How long did that last in terms of your self satisfaction? Didn't happen. Not even for a brief moment? No. When I first saw that it was selling, I had that moment of elation. I thought, good, I've done it, it's out. And I did have a moment of elation then, definitely. But it doesn't last, partly because I tell myself it mustn't last. Because as you said, fate hitches up its skirt. Is that skirts? I don't, this, you brits with your poetry, even when it's nauseating. As of 2022, this year, what's your final analysis of the political leadership and the human mind and the human being of Donald Trump? I sort of avoided this for years. Just talking about Trump. Tried to avoid talking about Trump for years. Same reason I tried to avoid writing about Brexit. Do you think that Trump, just sorry on a small tangent, do you think that Trump's story is over or are we just done with volume one? I have no idea. The people I know who know him say that he's running. And I think that in general, Republicans have to, do have a choice in front of them. A one friend put it to me recently, said, you've got to go in with your toughest fighter. And I understand that instinct and I also think it's a very dangerous instinct because what if your toughest fighter is also your biggest liability? What's the best way to get out the Democrat vote in 2024 than to have Donald Trump running? And the people that are doing the war in the West, they're pretty tough fighters. They are. And I'm cautious about this because I know every way I tread it's dangerous, but let me just be frank. Tread gracefully. I'll tread as gracefully as I can. My Wellington boots, my galoshes. Here's the thing, I think everybody knows what Trump is. I think we all knew for years. And I feel sorry for the conservatives who had to pretend that he was something he wasn't. I felt sorry for the ones who had to pretend that for instance he was some devout Christian or a man of faith or a man of great integrity or all of these sorts of things. Because in the public eye for years, it'd be obvious that wasn't the case. But he has something extraordinary. One thing is a method of communication that you've just got to say was unbelievable. In one fundamental way that you can't look away for some reason. Can't look away. I mean, I mean watching him clear everyone out of the way in 2016 was thrilling because those people needed clearing away. You know, I mean, it's just horrifying. What America is going to give us another Bush? What's so great about this family? America is going to give us another Clinton. We're going to get to choose any Clinton on the Bush. Mark Stein said, whatever, we'll just wait for the day the Clintons and the Bushes into marry and then we can really have a monarchy again. So I was very pleased to see him clear them away. I was very pleased to see him sort of raise some of the issues that needed raising. I thought it was a sort of breath of fresh air and I wished it wasn't him doing it. And then there was a question of him governing and it was just perfectly clear he didn't know how to govern. What he did have, however, what he does have is an incredible ability to fight. And some of the forces he was arraigned against were arraigned against him. My gosh, they would have taken down anyone else. I mean, they'd have probably done some similar BS against Ted Cruz if he, you know, or Marco Rubio. You know, they'd have said, some people admitted, they'd have accused all these people of racism and misogyny and everything else as well, just like they did Mitt Romney, just like they did John McCain. But Trump was the one ugly enough and bruisey enough to fight. And also a willingness or a lack of willingness to play sort of the civil game of politics. You know, at a party when politeness gets you in trouble. You show up and everybody's polite and you just out of momentum want to be being polite and all of a sudden you're on an island with Jeffrey Epstein and it gets you into a huge amount of trouble. But so Trump has these sort of extraordinary qualities, but I just, you know, look, he screwed up during his time in office because he didn't achieve as much as he should have done. And you could say that about every president, but I refuse to acknowledge that two years when he had both houses in the beginning, he just didn't know what levers to pull. You know, I mean, he was sitting in the office behind the Oval Office tweeting, watching the news. I'm sorry, that's not a president. And he couldn't fill and didn't fill positions because people knew, I mean, people who were very loyal to him, he would just, you know, he'd get them to do something loyal and then destroy them. And I think, and then we get onto the thing about, and here we get onto the, you know, what of course is very, very fractious terrain, but, you know, I covered the 2020 election and I was traveling all around the states and I went to Trump rally and all sorts of stuff. And I, I mean, I was in DC on election night and it got very ugly at one point in so called Black Lives Matter Plaza. When it looked like Trump might win, when Florida came in and got really, I could feel the air were very, very heated and like some Antifa people started getting into black lock and this sort of stuff. And I thought this town is gonna burn, you know, if Trump wins. And in the aftermath of the vote, I was willing to hang around in Washington for a bit and then I saw what it was gonna drag on. And I saw some of his people and others and people told me they had great evidence of vote rigging and all this sort of thing. And I'm afraid I'm one of those people who doesn't believe that the evidence that they presented is good enough to justify the claim that he won the election. And I, and people say, have you seen 2000 mules and have you seen, look, the evidence isn't there, that the election was won by Donald Trump. And I think that what he did on January the 6th was unbelievably dangerous. And, you know, here it is possible for us to hold two ideas in our head at the same time. January the 6th was not nothing, nor was it an insurrection and attempt to stage a coup. And there's a vanishing number of people in the US. It was Eric Weinstein who said that the, it's like, this is the roof that you have to walk along. And like the sides are very steep if you fall off either side. Is there some sense, given the forces that are waging war in the West, you said this feeling, perhaps because of Antifa or something else, that this town is gonna burn and maybe a continued feeling that this town is going to burn with the January 6th events. Are you worried about the future of the United States in the coming years because of the feeling of escalation? Is that just a war of Twitter? Or is there a real brewing of something? Oh, it's real. And how, well, let me then respond to that. How, what is the hopeful? If you 10 years from now look back at the United States and say we turned it around, what would be the reason? What would be the ways, the mechanisms that we do so? Tell you, since I wrote this book, there are two things in particular that I've been really pleased that a specific type of specialist has approached me on to say that things I've written about actually have more application than I realized. One is the gratitude issue. A number of people have approached me who have gone through AA, Alcoholics Anonymous. They sometimes say, have you ever been to AA? And that's a bit of a personal question. But they say, but the reason they ask it is because they say, well, because if you go to drug rehabilitation or Alcoholics Anonymous, Norm Macdonald said, it doesn't sound very anonymous. You stand up in a room, you say your name and you tell everyone the worst things you've ever done. Sounds the opposite of anonymous. Anyhow, but they say, look, because if you go to these things, apparently you're asked to, as part of your recovery, say what you're grateful for, like list what you're grateful for. I didn't know that by the way, until the book was out. And so that turned out to have more application than I knew. The other thing though, is that I say that it's absolutely crucial in America that we try to find things that we agree on. And a couple of times since the book came out, I've been approached by people who are marriage counselors. But we've also said, have you ever been through marriage counseling? And again, that's a very personal question. Stop asking me personal questions. No, but they said, and I said, well, why? Because this is one of the things that we do in couples therapy, is try to find things you agree on. And I think this is very important in America. And it's made much harder by the fact, and I've said this many times, but forgive me if I'm repeating myself, but it's made much harder by the fact that having different opinions is very last century. Now we all have different facts, or at least the two sides have different facts. One half of the country roughly, or let's say 40%, 30%, whatever you want to put it, with a tired minority in the middle. One segment of the country believes that Hillary Clinton won the 2016 election and that the Russians interfered and got Donald Trump into power. Another half of the country believes that Donald Trump won the 2020 election. If you can't agree on who wins elections, it's very hard to see what you agree on as a country. That's one of the reasons I mind the war on American history and Western history, is one of the things you have to agree on is at least some attitude towards your past. You don't have to agree on everything. But the public square has to have public heroes who are agreed to be heroes to some extent, warts and all. If you don't have that, if actually you think for instance, half the country thinks the founding fathers were pretty good, the other half thinks they were absolutely rotten, racist and so on. If half the country basically thinks it would have been better if Columbus had taken a different turn, never found America, gone back home and said, I don't know, nothing out there, that would have been better. And the other half's pretty glad in the end that we've got America. You've got to agree on something. And I just see in America, I do think we've got to try to find things to agree on, like a reasonable attitude towards the past. That's why that matters. And again, I stress, I'm not trying to say that everything in the American past was good. God knows that wouldn't stand up to a second of scrutiny or self scrutiny. But nor was it all bad. This wasn't a country formed in sin and in an eradicable sin. It wasn't founded in 1619 in order to make the country wicked and incapable of escaping that wickedness. These are things that will matter enormously in the years ahead, because if you can't agree on anything, including who your heroes are, the whole thing is just one massive division and we'll see what I think we're already seeing, which is people basically going to states where it's more like the life they want to live. And some people say to me, well, that's okay. And the genius of the founding is that it allows for that. That's possible, but it's also, it eradicates part of what has been American public life, which is the ability to look at each other and discuss face to face. And I see things like this bomb placed under America the other week with the Supreme Court League, the draft league as being just a further example of that. I'm very, very worried about it in America. And because if America screws up everything, everything else in the world goes. Yeah, there's the degree to which America is still the beacon of these ideas on which the country was founded and has been able to live out in better and better forms, sort of live out the actual ideals of the founding principles versus like. And with the desire to improve. Yeah, constantly. An imperfect union. Yeah, well, as I generally have hope that people want to sort of, in terms of gratitude, people are aware of how good it feels to be grateful. It's a better life psychologically. The resentment is a thing that destroys you from within. So I just feel that people will long for that and will find that. And that's the American way. Some of the division that we reveal now has to do with new technologies like social media. That kind of is a small kind of deviation from the path we're on because it's a new, we've got a new toy, just like nuclear weapons. Yeah, which are relatively new. But we need to find reasonable attitudes towards these things. And that's why I say it matters how you and my feedback on social media, because we're all going through it to some extent. Yeah, we're learning. And we're learning. And we've got to learn how to do this without going mad. I say this, it was my minimalist call to friends in this era was the main job is not to go insane. Yeah. Yeah. And yeah, like walk towards sanity. Because I'm sure there's a Hunter S. Thompson quote in there, like insanity on the weekends can be at least fun. Okay, do you have advice for young people that just put down their TikTok and are listening to this podcast in high school and college about how to have a career, how to have a life they can be proud of? It's a very broad question. But of course, I mean, I can give specific advice to people who want to be writers and so on, but that's a bit niche, maybe. Well, writers will be very interesting, sorry to interrupt. Also how to put your ideas down on paper and think through the ideas, develop them and have the guts to go to a large audience, especially when the ideas are sort of controversial or dangerous or difficult. Well, the main thing to do is to read. When I was a schoolboy, I'd ever have a book in my pocket, the side pocket of my jacket, only side pocket, and would read. And that wasn't just because I was swatish in some way, but because I discovered probably at some point in my early teens, I discovered something. I wrote about this once. I discovered that books were dangerous, which was a thrilling discovery. I discovered that they could contain anything. And also people didn't know what you were reading. I remember I get far too young an age, I read The Doors of Perception of Aldous Huxley, and I didn't make head or tail of it probably, but I knew that it was about something really interesting and dangerous. And I thought constantly when I read poetry or read history, I think I was just constantly thrilled and wanted to know more. And if you wanna become a writer, you have to be a reader. You have to read the best stuff. And obviously people disagree or agree on what that is, and you'll find the people that really impress you. But I know that I just came across certain writers who just knocked me off my feet. And when you find those people, read everything and cling on to them and find other people like that, find other writers like that, people that are connected by history or scholarship or circles or whatever. For you, was it fiction or nonfiction? Is there a particular books that you just remember or just give you pause? Well, I remember that the first book that absolutely threw me was the Lord of the Flies of William Golding, which used to be a signed text and everyone's a bit snotty about because it's so popular. But I was thrown because I think it was the first adult book I read in that I had been used to the world of children's literature of everything ends up fine in the end, the lost all get found. And this was the first book I read where that's not the case the world turns out differently. And I remember for days afterwards, I was just in a state of shock. I couldn't believe what I'd just discovered and partly because I sort of intuited it must be true. And of course, that is not to say that the Lord of the Flies lots of scholarship on what children do in this situation of being on the island when they do congregate and anyhow. But yes, that was a sort of introduction to the adult world and it was shocking and thrilling and I wanted more of it. It was dangerous. And it was dangerous. And then of course, when I became interested in sex, let alone when I realized I was gay, I realized books were a very, very good way to learn about what I was. And that was even more dangerous in a way. And I thought, I mean, nobody knows what I know. You discovered sex, that was an invention in books? What do you mean? No, what I mean is, nobody, no, no, no, no. What I mean is that one of the things that gay people have when they're growing up is that you have this terribly big secret and you don't think the world will ever know, you hope the world will never know. And it's been called by one psychologist, the little boy with a big secret. And so if you discover that other people have the same secret, there's a sort of, thank God for that. But I mean, that's just a version of what everybody gets in reading in a way, which is the thrill of discovery that somebody else thought something you thought only you'd thought. I mean, one of the greatest thrills in all of literature is when a voice comes from across the centuries and seems to leave a handprint, you know. And makes you feel a little bit less alone because somebody else feels, sees the world the same way, is the same way. That's what C.S. Lewis is said to have said, we read to know we're not alone. But we don't only read to know we're not alone, we read to become other people. I mean, I think I saw in books a version of the life I wanted to live and then I decided to live it. And I'm fortunate enough to have done so. I wanted to live in the world of ideas and books and debate. I wanted to live in the debates of my time, you know. And I remember when, like a lot of people, I read Auden when I was young. And, you know, certain lines obviously stuck with me. But that poem of his which everybody, you know, knows and which he hated, September the 1st, 1939, I remember certain lines in that just like whacked me. What's that one, you know, sitting on a dive and for a second or three, degraded and alone, at the end of a low, dishonest decade. Of course, there's a problem with that line, which is you kind of want to be living at the end of a low, dishonest decade as well. It sounds sort of cool in a way. You know, you're the only person who sees it. But, so yeah, anyhow, that's the diversion. But the point is, if you want to be a writer, you've got to be a reader. And apart from anything else, you discover the lilt of language and the things you can do. And I've read people who, and I still do, I think, my God, I didn't know, how did you do that? In fact, books for me now, and articles and other things, fall into two categories. One is, I know how you did that. And the other is, I don't know how you did that. And the best feeling as a writer is when you do the second one. And it happens occasionally in my writing life. Will you almost like return to something you've written or like right after you write it? No, the moment you write it. You wonder, how did I do that? Yes. That's the most, I've never said that before. That's the happiest thing in writing. Very occasionally, it sounds, but I've occasionally finished something. Funny enough, it happened some years ago in a long piece I wrote about the artist, Basquiat. I finished the piece and I gasped. I didn't know, because that's also a thing with writing, is you, it's not, sometimes people say you need to write in order to know what you think. That's not quite true. Sometimes that's a very bad piece of advice for some writers who don't know what they think and it's not gonna become clearer if they just start typing. But sometimes it is true that you, there's a thought that's just waiting there and a clarity that comes across and suddenly the sentence emerges in your brain. And by the time you typed it, you just go, yes. That's the greatest feeling as a writer. Almost like it came from somewhere else. That's what Bakunin says about what's the moment. It's Tom Stoppard's favorite quote about Bakunin saying what happens in the moment where the writer's pen, when he pauses, where does he go in that moment? Yeah. That's so interesting. Because I think the answer to that question will help us explain consciousness and all those other weird things about the human mind. So that was advice for writers. I didn't really give any advice for people in general. Is that, oh, you wanna give health advice? No. To your channel, Churchill? No, I don't wanna give health advice. Clearly. Because you implied that Churchill was one of your early guides in that aspect. So when you discovered your sexuality, let me ask about love. Far too personal of a question to ask a Brit. But what was that like? And broadly speaking, what's the role of love in the human condition? Sex and love. And for you personally, discovering that you were and maybe telling the world that you were gay. I'm very perilously personal. I do actually have a sort of rule that I don't talk about in my personal life. Rules are meant to be broken. Okay, well I'll break it a little bit. One of the ways in which growing up and realizing you're gay differs from growing up and being straight is that it's almost inevitable that your first passions will be unrequited. Oh wow, I never thought about that, yeah. Now that's not to say, there's plenty of unrequited love among young men for young women, young women for young men, plenty of that. But it's almost inevitable if you're gay that your first passions will be totally unrequited. Because the odds are that the person in question will not be gay. So the experience of love is mostly heartbreak. It's heartbreak and disappointment. Heartbreak can be beautiful too, it's formative. Well again, it comes back to the thing if you're a writer or something, that you can always do something with it. That's why all writers are sort of not to be trusted. I didn't trust you the moment you walked in here. No, I mean, it's a famous problem with writers because you always think, well I could use that. It's a dangerous thing and all writers should be aware. It's almost like a drug, right? No, it's not like a drug. It's the fear that all things, even the greatest suffering could be material. What's the danger in that exactly? That seeing the material in the human experience, you don't experience it fully? You don't experience it fully and you might be using it. I had a friend who wrote a poem about a friend who died in a motorcycle accident in Sydney in the 60s. And he said he knew at the moment he was told about his friend's death. A tiny bit of him thought I could use this for a poem. And he did and the poem was wonderful. But there's always that slight guilt for writers of am I going to use that? Anyhow, that's a diversion. Life is full of guilty pleasures and I think that's one of them. Because if you feel that guilt, really what you're doing is you're capturing that moment and you're going to impact the lives of many, many people by writing about that moment because it's going to stimulate something that resonates with those people because they had similar kinds of memories about a loss and a passion towards somebody that they had to lose. So yes, but there's a good sign, perhaps. More obvious perhaps problem is reporting from war zones or bad places and wanting to find bad stories because it's useful. And there is a definite guilt you get from that sort of thing. Like the worse the situation, the more useful. Anyhow, no, so that's sort of the only difference that happens from growing up being gay. And it means that most, certainly in my generation, most gay men came to sexual or romantic maturity later. And there's lots of explanations of that maybe being one of the reasons for perceived or otherwise promiscuity among gay men, which is, I think, more easily persuaded by the fact that gay men behave like men would if women were men. That's one explanation, but it's both a feature and a bug that you come to sexual flourishing later in life. That could be seen as a, in the trajectory of human life, that could be a positive or a negative. But what's, broadly speaking, is the role of love in the human condition, Douglas? Well, it's the nearest thing we have to finding the point. What is the point? What's the meaning of life? Let's go there. So what's the meaning is a hard one, of course. Where is the meaning is slightly easier. And I'd say that everyone can find that. You gravitate towards the places you find meaning. Now, there's a conservative answer to this, which is quite useful, and it's certainly more useful than any others, because the conservative answer is find meaning where people have found it before, which is a very, very good answer. If your ancestors have found meaning in a place of worship or a particular canon of work, go there, because it's been proven by time to be able to give you the goods. Much more sensible than saying, hey, I don't know, discover new ways of meaning. But love is, love is probably the nearest thing we can have to the divine on Earth. And of course, the problem of what exactly, what type of love we mean is an issue. Well, that goes to the fact that you don't like definitions anyway. I do like definitions. I just think they need to be pinned down. But let's not go there at the moment, because it's, yeah. That's not pinned down love at the moment. Well, no, because as you know, I mean, because of the different varieties of love and the fact that we have one word for it in our culture and that it means an awful lot of things and we don't delineate it well. But let's say human love with the greatest fulfillment in sexual, fulfillment in sexual love with another person is probably the greatest intimation you can have of what might otherwise only be superseded by divine love. And it's the sense that all young lovers have, which is that they've just walked through the low door in the garden and found themselves in bliss. And that this is, there's a beautiful, beautiful poem of, can I read it to you? Yes, please. I'll try to find it. There's a beautiful poem of Philip Larkins, which slightly says what I'm, I'm trying not to duck your question by referring to other people, but. Maybe that's the best way to answer the question. Could be. Is to read a poem. So there's a poem by Philip Larkin called High Windows, which is remarkable because he came to sexual, he was straight, he had a rather unhappy sex life, but he came to sexual affection in the 40s and 50s and all the hell that that involved. And he took what I, I regard as being a really remarkable and important view on the sexual revolution in the 60s, which is that most people of his generation, most older people resented the young. They resented the freedom they had, and actually they pretended the freedom was terrible and it was always getting likely to. And Philip Larkin, rather surprisingly, he was a very conservative person, took a different view. And he says it in his poem, and the opening of the poem is he says, when I see a couple of kids and guess he's fucking her and she's taking pills or wearing a diaphragm, I know this is paradise. Everyone old has dreamed of all their lives, bonds and gestures pushed to one side like an outdated combine harvester, and everyone young going down the long slide to happiness endlessly. I wonder if anyone looked at me 40 years back and thought, that'll be the life, no God anymore, or sweating in the dark about hell and that, or having to hide what you think of the priest. He and his lot will all go down the long slide like free bloody birds. And immediately, rather than words, comes the thought of high windows, the some comprehending glass, and beyond it the deep blue air that shows nothing and is nowhere and is endless. The divine, he found it. He found it in seeing a couple of young kids and knowing that one of them was wearing a diaphragm. Do you see what I mean? First of all, it's very counterintuitive, but secondly, this is the point that sex had been so tied up with misery. I mean, people don't remember this now when they talk about the past. I mean, there's one of my favorite books, Stefan Zweig's The World of Yesterday, you know, descriptions of what it was like trying to have sex in pre First World War Vienna. You know, all the men ended up going to female prostitutes. You know, so many of them got syphilis, and this was their first experience of sex. It was so goddamn awful, and they were stuck with it all their lives. And so there's lots of stuff that's gone better in our last century, and that's one of them. But you ask about love. Yes, I do think that love is basically the thing that gives us the best glimpse of the divine. And by the way, sex, liberating sex, doesn't buy you love either. No, I mean, it throws in an entirely, it threw in another set of problems. If there's any meaning on top of all of that is we like to find problems and solve that as a human species, and sometimes we even create problems. Douglas, thank you for highlighting all the problems of human civilization and giving us a glimmer of hope for the future. This is an incredible conversation. Thank you for talking today. It's a huge honor, thank you. It was very kind of you to say that, thank you. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Douglas Murray. To support this podcast, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, let me leave you with some words from Douglas Murray himself. Disagreement is not oppression. Argument is not assault. Words, even provocative and repugnant ones, are not violence. The answer to speech we do not like is more speech. Thank you for listening and hope to see you next time. who by dint of their skin color or anything else get to dominate the microphone. Now, of course, we're literally both speaking to microphones at the moment, so there's an irony to this, but let's skate over the irony. What I mean is people saying, you don't have the right to speak, I have the right to take the microphone from you and speak because I know best. Fine, if you know best, we'll argue it out and someone will win, long or short term. But the almost aggressive tone in which this is now leveled, I don't like the sound of, nobody's experience is completely understandable by another human being, nobody's. And what many people are asking us to do at the moment, us collectively is, to fall for that thing, I think it was Camille Foster who said it first, but I've adopted in recent years, is to say you must spend an inordinate amount of your life trying to understand me personally, my lived experience, everything about me. You should dedicate your life to trying to do that. Simultaneously, you'll never understand me. This is not an attractive invitation. This is an unwinnable game. So if somebody has a legitimate and important point to make, they should make it and they'll win through whatever their character is or whatever their race. And by the way, there are plenty of white people who experience racism as well. There are plenty of white people who do and have done, and increasingly so, which is one of the things I write about in the War on the West. I mean, I would argue that today in America, the only group who are actually allowed to be consistently, vilely racist against the white people. If you say disgusting things about black people in America in 2022, you will be over. You will be over. If you decide to talk about people's white tears, their white female tears, their white guilt, their white privilege, their white rage, and all these other pseudo pathologizing terms, you'll be just fine. You can be the chairman of the Joint Committee of the Staff, you can lecture at Yale University, absolutely fine, and the white people have to suck that up as if that's fine because there was racism in another direction in the past. So white people can have racism as well. Does that mean that I think that I have a right or other white people have a right to dominate the discourse by talking about their feelings of having been victims of racism? No, not particularly, because what does that get us? It gets us into an endless cycle of competitive victimhood. Am I saying that white people who've experienced violence have experienced historically anything like the violence that was perpetrated against black people in America historically? Obviously not. But what kind of competition do we want to enter here? And this is very, very important terrain now in America, because there's one other thing I have to throw in there, which is how do you work out the sincerity of the claim? How do you work out the sincerity of the claim being made? At one point in this latest book, I referred to a very useful bit in Nietzsche on the genealogy of morals, where, as you know, Nietzsche always has to be treated carefully, you know, when people say, I love Nietzsche, you have to say, which bits? So what exactly do you love about him? But, and a lot can be learned from the answer. But there are moments in Genealogy of Morals that were very useful for this book. One of them was the moment when Nietzsche uses a phrase that I've now stolen from myself, appropriated, you might say, where he refers to people who tear at wounds long since closed and then cry about the pain they feel. And Nietzsche says, I've never felt so much pain in my life as the pain they feel. Now, how do you know, how do you know whether the pain is real? How do you know? I'm not saying you can never know, but it's hard. So when somebody says, I feel that my life hasn't gone that well and it's because of something that was done to my ancestors 200 years ago, maybe they do feel that. Maybe they're right to feel that. Maybe they're using it up. Maybe they're using it as their reason for failure in life. Maybe they're using it as their reason to not even try. Maybe they're using it as their reason to smoke weed all day. I don't know. And who does know? How can you work that out? And that's why I come back to this thing of, who are we to constantly judge in this society other people who we don't know and attribute motives to them based on racial characteristics? And as you write in this part, I like your cultural appropriation of Nietzsche and at the same time, canceling Nietzsche in the same set of sentences. But you write in this part about evil. No, I didn't cancel Nietzsche. Well. Can't cancel Nietzsche, I was saying treat him carefully. Treat him carefully, fair enough. But you can judge a man's character by which parts of Nietzsche he quotes. That's fair enough, I think. I think when you meet people who do man and Superman a bit too much, you're in. Now you're pulling in even deeper water referencing Hitler here. Okay. So you write in this part of the book about evil. Quote, what is it that drives evil? Many things without doubt, but one of them is identified by several of the great philosophers is resentment. That sentiment is one of the greatest drivers for people who want to destroy. Colon, blaming someone else for having something you believe you deserve more. And you're saying this kind of resentment, we don't know as it surfaces whether it's genuine or if it's used to sort of play games of power to evil ends, can you speak to this? Because it's such a fascinating idea that one of the biggest drivers of evil in the world is resentment. Because if you look at, boy, if you look at human history, if you look at Hitler, so much of the propaganda, so much of the narrative was about resentment. So is that surface or is it level or is that deep, the resentment that drives evil? It can be any of the above. Let's first of all preface it, everybody has resentment. I use the term resentment which is sort of very similar to resentment, let's stick with resentment. So we don't sound too pretentious. Let me give you a quick example of somebody in our own day who has a form of resentment, Vladimir Putin. Did you see Navalny's documentary, Putin's Palace? Yes. Yeah. You remember the stuff about Putin as a young KGB officer in Germany? Remember the stuff about Putin and his first wife's resentment of one of his KGB colleagues who had an apartment that was a few meters bigger than the Putin's apartment? Yeah. It's very interesting. And by the way, I'm not saying that, you know, Vladimir Putin became the man he has become and invaded Ukraine because he didn't have an apartment he liked in Berlin or Munich or wherever he was. There's distinct possibility. My point is that resentment is a factor in all human lives and we all feel it in our lives and it's something that has to be struggled against. Resentment is, in political terms, can be a deadly, I mean, it's an incredibly deep thing to draw upon. I mean, you mentioned Hitler. Obviously one of the things that Hitler played on was resentment, obviously. Almost every revolutionary does. I mean, the French revolutionaries did as well. And not without cause. It's a good reason to feel that Versailles was not listening to Paris in the 1780s and feel resentment for Marie Antoinette in her palace within the palace, ignoring the bread shortages in Paris. So resentment is a very, it's a very understandable thing and sometimes it's justifiable and it's also deadly to the person as it is to the society. It's an incredibly deep, deep sentiment. Somebody else has got something that you should have. And the problem about it is that it has the potential to be endless. You can do it your whole life. And one of the ways I've sort of found myself explaining this to people is to say, it's also important to recognize that resentment is something that can cross absolutely every boundary. So for instance, it crosses all racial boundaries, obviously, and how it goes without saying. More interesting is it crosses all class boundaries and socioeconomic boundaries. And if I was to sort of simplify this thought, I would say, I guess that you and I and everybody watching knows or has known something or has known somebody in their lives who has almost nothing in worldly terms and is a generous person, a kindly person, a giving person, a happy person even, a cheerful person. And I think we probably have also, or many of us will have met people who seem to have everything and who are filled with resentment, filled with resentment. Somebody else has held them back from something. Their sister once did something, she got this and I should have got that. And on and on and on. It's a human trait. And one of the things that suggests to me is that we therefore have a choice in our lives about this. And this is something which we can do something about, not limitlessly, but for instance, I mean, there are very good reasons that some people in their lives might feel resentment. Let's say you're involved in a car crash and a friend fell asleep at the wheel and that's why you are spending the rest of your life in a wheelchair. It's a pertinent example of this in American politics at the moment. You would be justified in feeling resentment. And at some point you have to make a decision, which is, am I going to be that person or a different person? But even in that case, you're saying at the individual level and at the societal level is destructive to the mind, even when you're, quote unquote, justified. It rots you. It rots you because the best you can do is to eke out your days unfulfilled. So the antidote, as you describe, is gratitude. Yes. Gratitude is the antidote to evil in a sense. Gratitude is the individual level and the societal level. Gratitude is certainly the answer to resentment. I quote in The War on the West, when I read it the first time a few years ago, I was absolutely floored by the brothers Karamazov. Not everything in it, by the way, and I won't get into it, but I have some very big structural criticisms of the novel. Now you're just sweet talking to me because I'm a Dostoevsky fan, but I appreciate this. Oh, okay. Well, we could get into what I see as being the structural flaws in the brothers Karamazov, but anyway. Now I'm offended and triggered. Yeah, no, I mean, this is something coming out of Macbeth and saying, I didn't think it was much good. Yeah, there's structural flaws. Yeah, I thought the ending stank and the middle wasn't very good. No, when I read that novel, I was floored by a couple of things. One is, of course, at the moment where we realize the devil appears. The moment that Ivan says to his brother, you know he visits me, and you realize that he's talking about the devil, the whole novel goes into this totally different space. Anyway, it's even more than you've already realized the novel's about. And then when the conversation occurs between Ivan and the devil, I think he describes him as dressed in the French style of the early part of the 90th century. Very strange that the devil would be dressed like that, but sort of. And if you remember that he's sort of cross legged and rather a vain figure, but the devil mentions in passing to Ivan that he says, I don't know why, gratitude is not an instinct that's been given to me. Yeah, you're not allowed. This is not, given the role of being the devil, this is not one of the things. Just not one of the things. And you think, and of course, only a genius of Dostoevsky's stature could, I mean, a lesser genius would have made a whole novel out of that insight. Only Dostoevsky can just throw it away because there's such an abundance of riches that he still has to get through, the structural problems aside. But the, but the, but the. The passive aggressive, the microaggression in this conversation is palpable. A little knife fight. No, but the reason I mention this is because of course, when I saw this, this is such a brilliant insight by Dostoevsky because why would gratitude not be a sentiment that the devil was capable of? The answer is of course that if the devil was capable of gratitude, he wouldn't be the devil. He'd be somebody else. He has to be incapable of gratitude. Do you think for Dostoevsky that was as strong of an insight as it is for you? Because I think that's a really powerful idea that with gratitude, you don't get the resentment that rots you from the core. Yes, I think it was one of the just endless things that he saw in us. And the way I put it is that, I mean, I also think of it in terms of the era of deconstruction, which is one of the things I'd like us to call the era that's now ending. The era of deconstruction was the era that started, let's say from the 60s onwards, and was originally an academic game that then spilled out into the wider culture, which was let's take everything apart. Let's pull it all apart. There are lots of problems with it. One is it's quite boring. You don't get an awful lot from it. You also have the problem of what children find when they try to do this with bicycles, which is they can take it apart quite easily, but they can't put it back together. And the era of taking things apart as a game is one we've lived through, and it's been highly destructive, but you can do it for quite a long time. I'm going to look at this society, and I'm going to take it apart by showing systemic problems. I'm going to, at the end of that, what have you got? What have you done? What have you achieved? We need to interrogate this. Okay, interrogate. By all means, ask questions, but interrogate as a deliberate hostility to this. I'm going to interrogate this thing and take it apart. And again, at the end of it, what have you got? Whether you're interrogating a text or a piece of music or an idea or a society, fine. Question, endlessly question. Yes, interrogate assumes it's all a criminal in a cell and it's guilty, and therefore it must be taken apart. And that's what we've been doing for decades in the West. And that's resentment. That's one byproduct of resentment. You can't build the thing, but you know how to take it apart. Is a little bit of resentment good? So you have that, I love Tom Waits, and he has a song where a little drop of, I like my Tom with a little drop of poison. Is it good to do that? Is it good to have a little bit of poison in your drink? Depends what the poison is, and it depends if you know not to have another drink. It might be the case, you find out, as some alcoholics do, that one was too many and 10 is not enough. So there's a natural, in this case, this kind of deconstruction is a slippery slope. It becomes an addiction, it becomes a drug, and you just can't stop. Well, you'd have to wean yourself off it and try to start creating again. You'd have to start trying to put things together again. Something I think might be in the throes of starting as it happens. Well, speaking of taking things apart and not putting them together again, the idea of critical race theory. Can you, to me, explain, so I'm an engineer and have not been actually paying attention much, unfortunately, to these things. None of the people in your field were until it comes along and smacks you in the face. I've had that line of thinking from MIT. I said, well, surely whatever you folks are busy about yelling at each other for is a thing at Harvard and Yale. It's not going to. Yeah, yeah, yeah, of course. People in the STEM subjects thought it's not coming for us. It can't come to us and bang. Well, it hasn't quite been a bang. I'm not sure. Engineering is more safe than others. Yeah, so let's draw a line now between engineering and science. So I think engineering is, I'm sitting in a castle in the tallest tower with my pinky out drinking my martini saying, surely. The peasants below with their biology and their humanities will figure it all out. No, I'm just kidding. There's no pinky out. I drink vodka and I hang with the peasants. Okay, where is this? This metaphor has gone too far. Can you explain to this engineer what critical race theory is? Is it a term that's definable? Is there a tradition? Is there a history? What is good about it, what is bad about it? It is a tradition. It is a history. It's a school of thought. It started in the law roughly in the 1970s in some of the American academy. It spilled out. It always aimed to be an activist philosophy. People deny that now, but as I cite in The War in the West, the foundational texts say as much. This is an activist academic study. We're not just looking at the law. We seek to change the law. And it's built out into all of the other disciplines. I think there's a reason for that, by the way, which is it happened at the time that the humanities and others in America were increasingly weak and didn't know what to do, and they needed more games to play or new games to play. The psychologists got bored. Yeah, I mean, well, they needed tenure. They needed something to do. And I mean, it's not an original observation. Plenty of people have made this, but I mean, Neil Ferguson said it some time ago, for instance, that in the last 50 years in American academia, certainly in humanities departments, when somebody dies out who's a great scholar in something, that's just not replaced by somebody of equal stature. They're replaced by somebody who does theory or critical race theory. They're replaced by somebody who does the modern games. Somebody dies out who's a great historian of, say, I don't know, it's the one that's on my mind, Russian history or Russian literature, and they're not replaced by a similar scholar. In his observation and in yours, is this a recent development? It's happened in the last few decades, for sure. And it's sped up. Is it because we've gotten to the bottom of some of the biggest questions of history? No, it's because we're willing to forget the big questions. Because it's more fun to, big questions aren't as fun? No, partly it's, no, I should stress that partly isn't, this is in the weeds, but partly it's a result of the hyper specialization in academia. You know, if you said you'd like to write your dissertation on Hobbes, if you wanted to say something central to Kant's thought or Hegel's, I mean, that's not popular. What's popular is to take somebody way down the line from that, because there's a feeling that that's all been done. So you take something way, way, way down the line from that that's much less important, and then you sort of play with that. And I think most people, anyone who's watching who's been in a philosophy department or anything else in recent years will know that tendency. By the way, there's a very practical consequence of this. I saw this at the end of my friend Roger Scruton's life when he would occasionally, he didn't get tenure at universities, but he would occasionally be flown in even by his enemies to teach courses in various universities in basics of philosophy, because there was no one in the department able to do it. Like he would go in and teach for a semester, you know, Hegel and Kant and Schopenhauer and others, because there was no one to do it, because they were all playing with the things way, way, way down the road from this. So that had already happened, and people were searching for new games to play, and the critical race theory stuff forced its way in, partly in the way that all of this that's now known as anti racism does, which is in a sort of bullying tone of saying if you don't follow this. It's the same way that all the things that are called studies, I think everything called studies in the humanities should be shut down. Because of the activist element. They're all activists, gay studies and queer studies, and nothing good has ever come from it. Nothing good. To push back, is it obvious that activism is a sign of a flaw in a discipline? So isn't it? It's a sign of the death of the discipline. It's a sign the discipline's over. But isn't it a good goal to have for discipline to enact change, positive change in the world? Or is that for politicians to do with the findings of science, not the scientists themselves? Why create an ideology and then set out to find disciplines that are weakly put together to try to back up your political ideology? So ideology should not be part of science or of humanities. Why would you, I mean, anyone could do it. You could decide to go in and be wildly right wing about something and only do things that prove your right wing ideas. Be fantastically antiacademic, fantastically anti science. It's an absurd way to mix up activism and academia. And it's absolutely rife. And Critical Race Theory is one of the ones that completely polluted the academy. Yeah, and there's been dark moments throughout history, both during World War II with both communism and Nazism, fascism that infiltrated science and then corrupted it. Yes, I mean, for instance, also, let's face it, in science, as in everything else, there are dark, difficult things. It's much better we know about them, face up to them and try to find a way socially to deal with them than that you leave them in the hands of some activist who wants to do stuff with them. Some of my best friends are activists. I'm just kidding, okay. None of my best friends are activists. That's how it should be. Well, I was kidding because I don't have any friends, but okay. No, I'm trying to gain some pity points. Okay, so to return. You have your clubhouse friends. Screaming away like deranged maniacs. Now, I'm anti clubhouse, by the way, because the only time I heard it was at Brett Weinstein one when he did that. I don't know if you heard that, early in clubhouse. I was invited to clubhouse by various people. He was like, oh, this is a really great civilized way to hang out and talk with interesting people. And I downloaded the app and I got on one, because Brett Weinstein said, I'm doing this conversation and I listened and it was the maddest damn discussion I've ever heard. Was it something about biology? Something about, was it during COVID times? At some point, Brett said, I'm an evolutionary biologist. And somebody else started saying, you're a eugenicist. And he said, no, I'm an evolutionary biologist. And somebody said, that's the same thing. And it just went on like that. And Brett desperately tried to explain, that's not the same thing as being a eugenicist. And he lost the clubhouse room. They thought that was the same thing. He'd come, it horribly reminded me of a time some years ago when a British newspaper ran a sort of realizing that the only thing you can unite people on in sexual ethics is revulsion against pedophilia, ran an anti pedo campaign. And shortly after pediatricians offices were torched in North of England by a mob who hadn't read the whole sign. Yeah, well, to me, like I said, a little bit of poison is good for the town, so. Anyhow, sorry, I interrupted you with flattering you with their people on clubhouse. I have many, I have multiples of friends, yes. Okay, we didn't get to some of the ideas of critical race theory. What exactly is it? I'm actually in part asking this question quite genuinely. Yeah, it's an attempt to look at everything among other things through the lens of race and to add race into things where it may not be as a way of adding, I'm trying to give the most generous estimation, to add race in as a conversation in a place where it may not have been in the conversation. And that means history too? The history of racism. Yeah, yeah, yeah, all history. And to look at it through these particular lenses. I mean, there's a certain, like all these things, there's a certain logic in it. Like with feminist studies or something, I mean, is there a utility in looking back through undoubtedly male dominated histories and asking where the more silent female voice was? Yes, very interesting. Not endlessly interesting. And can't be put exactly on the same par as, but it has a utility. It's that endlessly, sorry to interrupt, that endlessly part that seems to get us into trouble a lot here. Well, because of this thing of where do you stop? And that's always, I talked about this in my last book in the manners of crowds. It's one of the big conundrums in activist movements and particularly in activist academia. Where would you stop? It's not clear because you've got a job in it. You've got a pension in it. You've got, your only esteem in society is in keeping this gig going. I mean, is there any likelihood? Have you ever, there's the old academic joke, isn't it? The end of every conference, the only thing everyone agrees on is that we must have another conference like this one. It's the one thing they always agree on. This conference is so great, we must have another one. Well, that's a criticism you could apply to a lot of disciplines. Of course. Civil engineering, bridge building. At a certain point, do we need any more bridges? Can we just fly everywhere? So. At the very least, you need to keep the bridges up. Sure, and they would, critical race theory folks would probably make the same argument. At the very least, we need to keep the racism out. We have to make sure we don't descend into the racism. It assumes all the time that we are living on the cusp of the return of the KKK. Right. Which is totally wrong. I mean, it's a massive. You say that now, until the KKK armies march in. We don't always, we can't always predict the future. We can't always predict the future, and you can always say you should be careful, but you've also gotta be careful of people

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