第 349 期·中文精讀

巴斯卡·孫卡拉:為社會主義辯護

Bhaskar Sunkara: The Case for Socialism

巴斯卡·孫卡拉闡述社會主義主張,圍繞所有制、市場與社會福利展開論證與自我辯駁。

官方音訊00:00 / --:--
中文精讀由 AI 基於原始訪談改寫,非官方翻譯,可能存在偏差或錯誤;表述以原音訊與官方文稿為準。說明

巴斯卡·孫卡拉(Bhaskar Sunkara)在談到蘇聯的強制集體化時,用了“災難”這個詞。他說那套做法建立在一個錯誤的前提上,以為規模越大生產力就越高,結果是饑荒,是數百萬人的死亡。他談列寧時期的俄國革命,用的詞是“守勢”,是一群只佔人口百分之三的人,試圖保住一個他們其實沒有能力統治的國家。

說這些話的人,《雅各賓》(Jacobin)雜誌的創刊編輯,美國民主社會主義者協會(DSA)的前副主席,還寫過一本叫《社會主義宣言》的書。在這場對話裡,他花了大段時間,先把自己和二十世紀那些以社會主義之名的政權劃清界限,然後才回過頭來解釋他自己相信的那一套東西。

這個順序本身就值得留意。一個自稱社會主義者的人,在開口辯護之前,先做的是切割。

一個最低限度的定義:出生就該有飯吃

弗裡德曼開場問得很直接:什麼是社會主義?

孫卡拉先承認了一件事,社會主義者之間什麼都吵不出共識,所以他給的定義也只能算是他自己的。但最低限度上,社會主義要保證食物、住房、教育這些核心必需品,對每一個人都成立,僅僅因為他出生了,就該有。理由是這個社會得讓這些人有機會去抵達自己的潛能。

這已經夠激進了。往下還有一層。

如果民主是個好東西,為什麼我們允許工作場所用專制的方式運轉?(巴斯卡·孫卡拉)

他把這叫做民主社會主義和一般社會主義的區別:把民主從政治領域擴充套件到經濟和社會領域。你投票選市長是一回事,你在公司裡對每天八小時怎麼過有沒有發言權是另一回事。在他看來,一個成年人在政治上是公民,轉身進了辦公室就變成只聽指令的人,這種割裂不正常。

這套說法指向一個關於人的哲學前提:人有內在價值。人的才能不平等,想要的東西也不一樣,但這種獨特的個體性,只在一個存在集體保障的社會里才能真正長出來。

他引了科學家兼社會主義者史蒂芬·傑伊·古爾德(Stephen Jay Gould)的話,說不知道有多少潛在的愛因斯坦、潛在的達芬奇,死在血汗工廠裡、死在種植園裡,從來沒有機會培養自己身上那些獨特的東西,也從來沒有機會組建家庭,把自己看重的部分交給下一代。

然後是更私人的一段。孫卡拉出生在千里達及托巴哥,他的祖母一直到死都是文盲,後來住在新澤西州的東奧蘭治。她有很多孩子,能把一些故事講給子女和孫輩聽,但從沒機會寫下自己在特立尼達當年輕女人的那些記憶。孫卡拉說,他經常想,一個像她那樣有頭腦和機智的人,如果當年多得到一點支援,能做些什麼。

這段是整場對話裡最不像政治論證的部分。它其實在說,人的潛能被浪費這件事,不需要用統計資料來證明,你家裡就有一個例子。

哈耶克說錯了:這不是自由換平等

弗裡德曼把問題推到了一個更尖銳的地方:幫助不幸的人,和獎勵有技能又肯努力的人,這兩件事之間有沒有取捨?

孫卡拉說兩件都能做。給創新者更多消費、更高的生活水平,可以接受,只要這個差距沒有變成今天這種極端的不平等,只要底下沒有人在貧困裡受苦。他還特意提到,有人願意每週多幹十小時二十小時,那就該多拿,這個邏輯他不反對。

真正有意思的是他接下來對“自由”這個詞的重新切分。

右翼那邊,哈耶克(Hayek)在他最客氣的時刻說過一句話,社會主義者想拿你的一部分自由去換平等。孫卡拉說,這個描述不算錯,但框架有問題。他給出的版本是:這是自由和自由之間的取捨。

他舉了個具體例子。你在奧斯汀開了一家公司,產品有人要,也有競爭對手。你僱了二三十個人,跟他們簽了自由合同,一小時二十美元,一週四十小時。這些人願意來,因為在他們眼裡你是個不錯的老闆。

然後政府來了。最低工資改成二十二美元,周工時上限三十五小時,超過三十五小時的部分,就算員工自己同意,你也得付一倍半。

對企業家來說,這當然是對自由的限制。你沒法定價,沒法自由地和自由人籤合同。但對員工來說,他們每週多出幾個小時,可以隨便幹什麼,工資還漲了。而且這事你沒法單方面拒絕,因為你的競爭對手也得遵守,不然你就被壓價壓死了。

所以問題往往是誰的自由、誰的自主權優先,是企業家的,還是普通工人的?(巴斯卡·孫卡拉)

他把界限劃在這裡:如果國家說,因為你是資本家,所以你沒有投票權,或者要沒收你的私人住宅,那是暴政,是對基本人權的侵犯。但規範你在經濟領域裡怎麼當一個經濟參與者,這在民主政治的範圍之內。

這個區分很關鍵。很多關於社會主義的辯論之所以吵不出結果,是因為雙方對“自由”這個詞的預設含義不一樣。一邊預設自由是不被強制,另一邊預設自由是擁有實際選擇的能力。孫卡拉的例子裡,一個人可以自由地接受一小時二十美元的工作,這件事在形式上無可指摘;但如果他沒有別的選擇,這個“自由”的實際含量是多少,是另一個問題。

蘇聯的問題不是沒有計劃,是沒有糾錯

弗裡德曼提了一個很實在的角度:不管什麼制度,總有人鑽空子。惡意的人也好,懶的人也好,規則的縫隙永遠有人找。那就別談理想,談實踐。

孫卡拉的回答繞了一圈,繞到了民主的功能上。

他說人一定會利用系統,會找漏洞,會想辦法支配和脅迫別人,哪怕在一個本來想消滅支配和脅迫的系統裡也一樣。所以系統必須被設計成能儘量削掉這些東西的樣子。而要做到這一點,靠的是民主和自由,靠的是讓權力可以被收回。

蘇聯就是反例。那套體制里長出了一個威權官僚層,以社會主義的名義支配和脅迫別人。這個系統急需政治民主,需要對掌權者的制衡,需要把權力收回來的機制。而結果是,當一點點民主因素被引進那個系統,它立刻就塌了,因為 dissent(異議)終於有了出口。

我們沒法設計出一個完美的系統。我們能做的是堅持某些原則,讓系統可以被不斷完善。對我來說,那個原則就是民主的重要性。(巴斯卡·孫卡拉)

他順手把話題引到了中國。他說前幾年不少人推崇中國的治理模式,說那是高效的體系,國家運轉良好,有技術官僚的卓越,加上生產力,加上比美國人更拼命的工作倫理。但新冠疫情把實踐中的問題暴露了出來:武漢早期對資訊的壓制,當地普通的工人、醫生想把訊息傳出去,被地方官員壓了下來,很可能上面也是默許的。後面又有清零政策的一系列問題。

在他看來,那些看起來“弱”的系統,那些因為民主而顯得技術上不夠高效的系統,恰恰是系統能生長和演化的必要條件。公民社會里得有那種自由,錯誤才能被說出來。

這段話的邏輯值得單獨拎出來:一個系統的能力,不體現在它犯錯少,體現在它容不容許錯誤被指出來。不允許被批評的系統不會不犯錯,只會把錯誤攢起來,攢到某一天一次性爆掉。

三個容易混淆的詞

要理解孫卡拉站在哪兒,得先把社會主義、共產主義、社會民主這三個詞的歷史關係理清楚。這一段他講得很細,值得慢慢看。

社會主義和共產主義同源。兩者都從十九世紀末資本主義的動盪裡長出來,那時候整個資本主義世界都在組織工人政黨。德國社會民主黨(SPD)在十九世紀八九十年代是德國最有活力的政黨,但它被鎖在權力之外,因為當時的德國雖然有議會民主,卻是個很不民主的民主,德皇還在統治。這些運動在整個資本主義世界紮根,包括在俄國,只不過是在非法的條件下。

當時歐洲社會主義者的普遍預期是,革命會先發生在德國,那個工業資本主義最發達的地方,而不是半封建的俄國。

然後一戰來了。工人運動分裂成兩撥:一撥決定低頭,或者乾脆 implicitly 支援戰爭,想著先別被禁、先別被抓,等打完再奪權;另一撥選擇抵抗,俄國是其中之一,美國也是。

是列寧的布林什維克在俄國的混亂中奪了權。那個時刻俄國處於一種誰也說不準會走向哪兒的浮動狀態,可能是極右,也可能是極左,但舊政權肯定站不住了。這些俄國社會民主黨人說,社會民主已經背叛了它本該代表的國際主義、兄弟情誼和進步,我們不能再叫自己社會民主了,要撿回馬克思用過的那個舊詞,叫共產主義。官方意義上的共產主義就是從這兒出來的。

歐洲其他地方,有些黨在兩次大戰之間就掌了權,多數是在戰後,它們也出自同一個社會民主運動,多數乾脆自稱社會主義者。這些黨在紙面上還想超越資本主義,實踐上做的是在工人利益的方向上把資本主義管理得更好一點。

孫卡拉給出的三條線是這樣的:

  • 社會民主:在資本主義內部插入一些社會主義的成分,但保留資本主義。
  • 共產主義:試圖在資本主義之外建社會主義,常常用威權的方式。這裡面一半是意識形態,一半是繼承來的條件:一個被沙皇統治了幾百年的國家,工人階級很弱,被戰爭打得稀爛,那種土壤天然適合威權。
  • 民主社會主義:認可社會民主已經取得的成就,但仍然相信要超越資本主義,不只是在其內部建社會主義,而是有一個資本主義之後的世界。

他還預先擋了一句批評。他討厭那種“真正的蘇格蘭人”式的回應,說那個社會主義不好所以不算真社會主義,我這個好所以算。他不玩這套。

列寧的守勢,斯大林的豪賭

弗裡德曼問得很直接:共產主義在蘇聯到底哪裡錯了,又有沒有對的地方。

孫卡拉先宣告,他在道德和倫理上反對任何形式的威權與獨裁。所以談一個政權在發展上做對了什麼,得先把道德判斷懸置起來,只看記錄。這個前置說明本身挺誠實的。

他的敘述從列寧時期開始,定性是“守勢”。布林什維克自己清楚,他們沒有統治這個國家的條件。工人階級只佔人口百分之三,農民基本反對他們,而這百分之三里還有一半在戰爭中死了,剩下的一半支援孟什維克和更溫和的社會主義者。在他們眼裡,另一條路是極右的反動,某個將軍發動政變上臺,或者他們自己被扔回監獄,很多人本來就是從沙皇的監獄裡出來的,或者乾脆被殺。

所以他們的算盤是:維持住舊俄帝國儘可能多的領土,慢慢來,透過新經濟政策穩住經濟。新經濟政策允許農民之間做市場交換,同時城市工業保持國有,孫卡拉說,如果非要類比,這有點社會民主的意思。

有一段時間看起來是奏效的。他們期待的西歐元革命沒來,但在俄國本土,到二十世紀二十年代中後期,局面穩住了,政策也積累了一些民眾基礎。理由很樸素:經歷了一戰、革命、內戰的十來年,人們只想穩定。一個能讓你吃飽、有份工作的政府,對很多人來說就夠了。

然後斯大林上臺。他要快速工業化。他的邏輯是,革命不會在西邊來了,我們得在一國建成社會主義,得儘快追上西方,把自己變成工業強國。

接下來是強制集體化。把原本分散的農業收歸國有,推進機械化,靠規模提升農業生產力。再加上五年計劃,猛推重工業。

孫卡拉說他講這些的時候語氣很冷靜,但實踐裡發生了什麼大家都清楚。強制集體化是災難。它建立在“規模等於更高生產力”這個錯誤前提上,在農業裡尤其不成立。結果是饑荒,是數百萬人的死亡。斯大林式的工業化還把蘇聯經濟結構搞歪了,重工業過重,中輕工業不足。

但同一段歷史還有另一面。五年計劃確實把俄國推上了一條不一樣的發展軌道。到戰後,俄國等於在一個原本的發展路徑上往前跳了一大步,跳到很多國家沒跳到的位置。他拿日本做類比:如果在十九世紀七八十年代跑一百次模擬,戰後那個日本屬於最好的結果之一,俄國在某個層級上追近西方,也可以這麼看。至於這套工業化是不是讓他們有能力扛住納粹入侵,他說這是個複雜問題,沒有直接下結論。

再往後,經濟變複雜了,不再以重工業為唯一支柱,蘇聯那套命令體系適應不了,到七十年代又落到西方後面。

政治這條線他說得更不客氣。那是一個小黨,在帝國範圍內沒有多少民眾支援,只在少數幾個城市有真正的支援基礎。它奪了權,然後認定自己不能把權力交回去,於是一直握著不放。文字稿在這裡斷了,但前面的判斷已經足夠清楚:一個自認代表多數、實際只代表少數的組織,一旦把“不能交權”當成前提,後面所有事情的方向就定了。

如果只給胡蘿蔔,不給鞭子

弗裡德曼提了一個很個人化的質疑,這段是全場最有意思的部分之一。

他說自己傾向於相信兩件事:一,他有潛能;二,如果放任自己的懶惰,潛能就不會兌現。所以如果把生活搞得太舒服,他個人會一事無成。這是胡蘿蔔加大棒裡的那個“大棒”問題:如果社會保障足夠好,底層的日子不那麼難熬,人還有沒有動力往上爬?

孫卡拉先糾正了一個用詞。弗裡德曼說的是“鞭子”(whip)而不是“棒子”(stick),這在胡蘿蔔加大棒的比喻裡偷偷給天平加了權重。弗裡德曼認了,說是自己偏心。

然後是正面回答。他說現在社會的豐裕程度,已經能負擔更多人選擇退出生產。留下來的胡蘿蔔夠多:更多消費、更多做有意思的事的能力、成功帶來的社會回報。如果真出現了大規模的自願失業,那就透過民主和好的治理重新配置激勵。不需要現在就寫一份完美的藍圖,五十年後還當經文來唸。

弗裡德曼反手又推了一次:社會越富,安全網越厚,底層的鞭子越輕,靠救濟過日子的生活雖然不算好,但也不至於難熬,那脫貧的財務動力就變弱了。

孫卡拉的反駁是,撇開錢不談,人身上有一種追求卓越、想給家庭掙一個好生活的東西,這個動機會把人從底層拉出來。

然後他把話鋒轉到了底層的真實處境。他說今天卡在勞動力市場底部的人,很多其實是真正的慈善家:打兩份工,一週幹六十多個小時,把自己的勞動以便宜到不像話的價格供給這個國家。我們每個人享受的生活,都欠著這些人的賬,從生產我們錄製節目所用裝置的中國和臺灣工人,到美國的農業工人。

他講了個細節。弗裡德曼從奧斯汀市中心過來,Lyft 大概八美元起步價,他給了小費。

八美元。這個數字放在一段關於剝削的論述裡,比任何理論都直觀。

至於“從貧困裡爬出來”,孫卡拉說這個社會根本沒給工具。五歲到十二三歲沒有好的公立學校,一個家庭幾代人都做體力活,想轉到別的工種基本沒戲。一輩子沒有像樣的醫療,二十多歲想改點什麼的時候,可能身體已經先給出判決了。他不否認個人能動性,但工具是缺的。

同一天同一小時出生的兩個人

接著他舉了康涅狄格州的例子,還自嘲說這是“過度的東北部例子”。

哈特福德和格林威治,同一個州。一個普通工人家庭的孩子生在哈特福德,和同一天同一小時生在格林威治的孩子,人生結果會差得非常遠。這件事被當成理所當然,出生的偶然性直接決定結局。

他順帶開了個玩笑,說紐約人和波士頓人對康涅狄格有種殖民心態,總想把它瓜分,西邊歸紐約,東邊歸波士頓,而他是康涅狄格民族主義者,站在康州這一邊。

這個玩笑底下是個嚴肅的論點。我們討論不平等的時候,習慣討論收入差距、稅收、福利,但真正起作用的變數是郵編。你出生在哪個郵政編碼裡,決定了你五歲到十八歲能接觸到什麼樣的學校、什麼樣的醫療、什麼樣的治安、什麼樣的榜樣。這些是結構性的,跟你努力不努力關係不大。

而一個社會如果把這件事當成自然規律接受下來,那它就預設了一大批人的潛能會被浪費掉。這又回到了古爾德那句話,回到了他那個文盲的祖母。

去酒吧喝酒也算一種政治

中間有一段輕鬆的插曲,但它其實接在“人為什麼工作”這個問題上。

孫卡拉說,休閒不等於坐在家裡喝啤酒把人生耗掉。休閒可以是多陪朋友和家人,建設那些不會發明出新藥、但會改變你周圍人生活的關係。

弗裡德曼當場說他在記筆記,因為他一直以為休閒就是玩《上古卷軸5:天際》,現在得重新考慮自己的人生。

孫卡拉接了話,說他 1989 年生,也玩遊戲,這沒什麼問題。但過去十年,他的休閒有更多回到了去本地酒吧喝那每週幾杯酒,而不是一個人在家看電視。理由是他能獲得隨機的對話,獲得一種屬於某個地方的感覺。

他提到了羅伯特·帕特南(Robert Putnam)那本《獨自打保齡》(Bowling Alone)。這本書講的是美國社會資本的衰退:人們不再參加保齡球俱樂部、工會、教會、鄰里組織,社交變成一個人的活動。帕特南用的那個意象很準,一個人去打保齡球,球照樣滾,但那種把人和人綁在一起的東西沒了。

把這段和前面的生產力問題連起來看,會發現孫卡拉其實在回答一個更根本的質疑。反對高福利的人常說,人拿了錢就不幹活了。他的回答是,人可能不幹那種能被計入 GDP 的活,但會去幹別的:陪孩子,照顧老人,參加社群,跟陌生人聊天。這些事在國民經濟核算裡是零,在生活裡不是。

主持人的一段獨白

這期節目的開場,弗裡德曼自己講了一大段,值得單獨拿出來說,因為它和正片形成了一個有意思的對照。

他說他想和左右兩邊都對話,極左和極右都談。舉例說希望能採訪特朗普和亞歷山德里婭·奧卡西奧-科爾特斯,談羅恩·德桑蒂斯和奧巴馬。他的目標是把對方觀點最強的版本呈現出來,同時也呈現有價值的反駁,還要理解觀點背後那個具體的人。

他承認自己經常做得不夠:有時候推得不夠狠,有時候推得太狠,有時候該提的話題沒提,有時候說得太多,有時候打斷得太多,有時候在該嚴肅的話題上太貧,有時候在該輕鬆的話題上太嚴肅。

然後他回應了一種指控,說有人講他被某個政府或情報機構控制,中情局、聯邦安全域性、摩薩德。他說他手裡只有自己那點笨拙的文字,但他會把它們交出來。沒有任何東西能讓他犧牲自己的操守。有人說他天真,他說他不天真,他是樂觀,而樂觀不是一種被動的狀態,是一場

樂觀不是一種被動的狀態,是一場持續的搏鬥,對手是那個總想把你拖進憤世嫉俗螺旋的世界。對他來說,樂觀就是自由,自由去思考、去行動、去建造、去幫助別人,哪怕面對的是完全不可能的局面。

他念了吉卜林那首《如果》裡的幾句。如果所有人都懷疑你,你還能相信自己,同時也能體諒他們的懷疑;如果被人欺騙,不去以欺騙還擊;如果被人憎恨,不去以憎恨回應,同時又不顯得太好、說得太聰明。

唸完他自己也笑了,說這首詩本身就在嘲諷他那種過度浪漫的可笑,這種元層面的反諷他接得住。他說自己就是個想在世界上做點好事的傻小孩。

這段獨白放在一期討論社會主義的節目開頭,不是偶然的。它說的是一個採訪者打算怎麼對待他不同意的人:把對方最強的版本端出來,讓聽的人自己去判斷。這跟孫卡拉後面說的那套“系統得能糾錯”在結構上是同一件事。一個人如果不允許自己被反駁,和一套不允許被批評的制度,毛病是同一種。

這套方法論,跟他的政治觀是同一套

整場對話裡,孫卡拉反覆回到同一個動作:拒絕給出一份完整藍圖。

弗裡德曼問他,如果人人都有胡蘿蔔沒有鞭子,生產力會不會垮。他說如果真出現大規模自願失業,那就重新配置激勵,但那是透過民主和好的治理來調,不是現在寫好一份檔案、五十年後當經文念。

這個態度的分量,得放在他前面那段歷史敘述裡才看得清。蘇聯那套體制的問題,不只是集體化搞錯了、五年計劃把結構搞歪了,而是它把一份寫死的方案當成了不可修改的真理。錯了不能改,因為改就等於承認當初奪權的理由不成立。於是錯誤只能一層層往前推,推到沒法收拾。

孫卡拉對這條路徑的診斷,落點很具體:一個自認代表多數、實際只代表少數幾個城市的小黨,一旦把“不能交權”當成預設前提,後面每一步都是從這個前提裡長出來的。強制集體化是這樣長出來的,五年計劃是這樣長出來的,那個威權官僚層也是這樣長出來的。不是某個人特別壞,是前提鎖死了糾錯的可能。

所以他把民主放在這麼高的位置,不是因為民主在技術上更高效,恰恰相反,他承認民主會讓系統在技術層面顯得笨拙一些。他看中的是民主的另一個功能:讓錯誤能被說出來,讓做錯事的人能被換掉。

這套推理有個不太顯眼的地方。他前面舉最低工資那個例子時,說政府限制企業家的定價自由,這屬於民主政治的正常範圍。但他也說了另一面,如果國家因為你是資本家就剝奪你的投票權,那是暴政。這兩句放在一起,劃出了一條線:經濟領域可以被規制,政治權利不能被剝奪。這條線守不守得住,靠的不是某個人的善意,還是那套糾錯機制。

換句話說,他對權力的警惕,對他自己這一派也適用。他說人一定會找系統的漏洞,一定會在想消滅脅迫的系統裡搞出新的脅迫,這句話沒有給社會主義者豁免權。

八美元背後的賬

整場對話裡最有說服力的一段,其實沒有一個理論詞。

弗裡德曼從奧斯汀市中心打車過來,Lyft 起步價八美元左右,他給了小費。孫卡拉拿這個數字說事:我們每個人享受的便利,背後都有一筆賬,賬是記在那些一週幹六十多個小時、把自己的勞動賣得極其便宜的人身上的。從生產我們錄製裝置所用的中國和臺灣工人,到美國的農業工人,一層層往下,都是這筆賬。

八美元這個數字好在哪兒?它不需要任何解釋。任何一個坐過網約車的人都知道八美元意味著司機拿到手的更少,意味著這趟活要跑夠多少單才能覆蓋油錢和車損,意味著這個價格之所以成立,是因為有人願意在這個價格上出工。孫卡拉沒有說這些人被剝削,他只是把賬攤開,讓聽的人自己去算。

接著他講為什麼底層爬不上去。五歲到十二三歲沒有好學校,幾代人都做體力活,想換工種基本沒戲;一輩子沒有像樣的醫療,二十多歲想改點什麼的時候身體可能先給出判決。這不是說人不努力,是說工具沒給。

然後那個康涅狄格的例子。哈特福德和格林威治,同一個州,一個普通工人家庭的孩子,和同一天同一小時生在格林威治的孩子,人生結果會差得很遠。他把這件事叫做“被當成理所當然的偶然”。

這個例子狠在它不需要論證。任何人都能立刻想起自己身邊的兩個郵政編碼,兩個相隔十幾公里、人生軌跡卻幾乎不交叉的地方。你不需要相信任何一套政治理論,就能確認這件事存在。

去酒吧喝那幾杯酒

中間有一段輕鬆的,但它其實接在同一個問題上。

孫卡拉說,休閒不等於坐在家裡喝啤酒把人生耗掉。休閒可以是多陪朋友和家人,建設那些不會發明出新藥、但會改變你周圍人生活的關係。

弗裡德曼當場說他在記筆記,因為他一直以為休閒就是玩《上古卷軸5》,現在得重新規劃人生。

孫卡拉接了話,說他 1989 年生,也玩遊戲,這沒問題。但過去十年,他的休閒有更多回到了去本地酒吧喝每週那幾杯,而不是一個人在家看電視。理由很具體:能碰上隨機的對話,能獲得一種屬於某個地方的感覺。

他提到了羅伯特·帕特南(Robert Putnam)那本《獨自打保齡》(Bowling Alone)。書講的是美國社會資本的衰退:人們不再參加保齡球俱樂部、工會、教會、鄰里組織,社交變成一個人的活動。帕特南用的那個意象很準,一個人去打保齡球,球照樣滾,但那種把人和人綁在一起的東西沒了。

把這段和前面那個“如果只給胡蘿蔔不給鞭子”的質疑連起來看,會發現孫卡拉其實在回答一個更根本的問題。反對高福利的人常說,人拿了錢就不幹活了。他的回答是,人可能不幹那種能被計入 GDP 的活,但會去幹別的:陪孩子,照顧老人,參加社群,跟陌生人聊兩句。這些事在國民經濟核算裡是零,在生活裡不是。

這個回答不一定能讓質疑者滿意。GDP 不漲,稅基就不漲,福利的錢從哪兒來,這個問題他沒在對話裡展開。但他至少指出了一件事:把“生產力”窄化成“可交易的產出”,本身就是一種選擇,不是一條自然規律。

這場對話真正的分歧在哪兒

把整場看下來,孫卡拉和弗裡德曼之間最深的分歧,不在要不要幫助窮人,也不在最低工資該定多少。這些具體的政策,兩個人吵得起來,但吵完之後各自的立場都還算清楚。

深的分歧在人的預設狀態是什麼。

弗裡德曼對自己的判斷很坦率:他傾向於相信自己有潛能,也傾向於相信一旦放任懶惰,潛能就不會兌現。所以對他來說,壓力是必要的,舒服是危險的。這個自我認知投射到政治上,就是對“把生活搞得太容易”的警惕。

孫卡拉對這個問題的回答繞了個彎。他沒有否認壓力有用,他說的是:今天卡在底層的人,多數不是缺壓力,是缺工具。壓力他們從來不缺,一週六十小時就是壓力。缺的是好學校、像樣的醫療、一個不至於把人鎖死的起點。

他還說了一句更微妙的話。就算有人真的選擇把潛能花在休閒上,那也未必是浪費。休閒可能是陪家人,可能是建設社群,可能是去酒吧和陌生人聊天。這些事不會改變世界,但會改變你周圍那幾個人和那個社群。

這兩套預設設定,引出的政策方向完全不同。如果預設人是懶的,那制度的第一要務是防懶,福利要設門檻,救濟要附帶條件,不能讓躺著的人佔到便宜。如果預設人是被工具卡住的,那制度的第一要務是發工具,學校、醫療、起點,先把人從結構性困境裡放出來,再看他自己怎麼走。

這兩種設定都沒法用資料徹底證偽,因為它們最終都指向一個關於人性的判斷。孫卡拉講了祖母的故事,講了自己的例子,弗裡德曼講了自己的懶惰,其實都是在拿個人經驗給這個判斷做註腳。

他到底想辯到什麼程度

這場對話裡,孫卡拉有個值得注意的習慣:他很少把話說滿。

談蘇聯,他先說自己在道德上反對一切威權,然後把道德判斷懸置起來看發展記錄,談完成就又立刻說七十年代又落後了。談強制集體化,他用“災難”這個詞,不繞。談列寧時期,他給的是“守勢”這個定性,還補了一句,說布林什維克自己清楚沒有統治這個國家的條件。

談自己的方案,他說不需要現在就寫一份完美藍圖,五十年後還當經文念。如果出現大規模自願失業,那就重新配置激勵,但那是透過民主來調。

這種說話方式在政治寫作裡其實不常見。多數時候,一個要為某套主張辯護的人,會把歷史裡的成功歸給自己這一派,把失敗歸給背離。孫卡拉明確說他討厭這種“真正的蘇格蘭人”式的回應,說那個社會主義不好所以不算真社會主義,我這個好所以算。

這句話表面上是在講邏輯,底下是在講一個立場:判斷一套制度好不好,不能只看它自稱什麼,得看它在實踐里長出了什麼。蘇聯長出了威權官僚層,這是它的一部分,不能因為它的名義是社會主義就把這段切掉。

這個姿態本身,跟他在定義社會主義時強調的“民主”是同一個東西。一個願意把不利於自己的證據擺到桌面上的人,和一個允許自己被換掉的制度,邏輯是同構的。

為什麼這期節目值得聽完

弗裡德曼在開場說,他希望能和左右兩邊都談,目標是把對方觀點最強的版本呈現出來,同時呈現有價值的反駁。他還說,他經常做得不夠,推得不夠狠或者太狠,該提的沒提,說多了,打斷多了。

這場對話裡,他確實有幾處推得挺狠。比如那個“如果只給胡蘿蔔不給鞭子”的追問,比如他反手推的“社會越富鞭子越輕”。孫卡拉每次都接住了,但接的方式不太一樣:有的地方他正面回答,有的地方他換了框架,有的地方他說這是個複雜問題,沒有直接下結論。

這種一來一回,比任何一方的獨白都更有資訊量。你能看到一套主張在被追問時哪些地方結實、哪些地方需要繞。繞的地方往往就是這套主張還沒想清楚的地方,不是壞事,是誠實。

對聽的人來說,這期節目的用處不在於讓你決定站哪邊。它讓你看到,一個認真為社會主義辯護的人,會花多少力氣先跟自己這一派的歷史切割,會把“民主”放在多高的位置,會在多大程度上承認自己的方案沒有成品。

這三件事,換成任何一套政治主張都適用。判斷一個人的立場值不值得聽,可以看他願不願意談自己這一邊的失敗,願不願意把糾錯機制放在綱領前面,願不願意承認自己手裡沒有完整答案。

孫卡拉這三點都做到了。這不代表他的主張就對,但代表他的主張值得被認真對待。弗裡德曼說的那個目標,在這期節目裡算是兌現了一部分。

至於那個八美元的 Lyft,和那個文盲的祖母,還有那個同一天同一小時生在格林威治的孩子,這些具體的東西留得比任何理論都久。一場關於制度的辯論,最後落到的是幾個人的臉。

  • 聽這類立場鮮明的長訪談,先別急著判斷對錯,先抓他願意在哪些地方跟自己的歷史切割。切割的位置,往往就是這套主張最脆弱也最誠實的地方。
  • 遇到“自由”“平等”“效率”這類大詞,追問一句這是誰的自由、誰的效率。孫卡拉那個最低工資的例子說明,同一個政策對不同的人意味著完全不同的東西,不切分主語,討論就會一直空轉。
  • 判斷一套制度好不好,別隻看它自稱什麼,看它在實踐里長出了什麼,看它容不容許錯誤被指出來。不允許被批評的系統不會不犯錯,只會把錯誤攢起來。
  • 關於人的預設設定,值得自己認真想一次:你更相信人是懶的,還是相信人是被工具卡住的?這個判斷會決定你看待幾乎所有社會政策的方向,而它沒法靠資料徹底解決,只能靠你對身邊人的觀察。
  • 如果手邊有具體的政策爭論,試著把雙方的數字攤開算一遍,比如那個八美元。很多抽象的分歧,落到具體數字上會立刻變得清楚,也會立刻變得難回答。
文稿由本站用語音識別模型(基於官方釋出音訊)機器轉寫,可能有識別錯誤,人名與數字請以音訊為準。
Lex Fridman Podcast #349 – Bhaskar Sunkara: The Case for Socialism Machine transcription by Qwen3-ASR 0.6B (MLX, local, Apache-2.0). May contain recognition errors. The following is a conversation with Bascar Sancara, he's a democratic socialist, a political writer, founding editor of Jacobin, president of the nation, former vice chair of the Democratic Socialist of America, and the author of the Socialist Manifesto, the case for radical politics in an era of extreme inequality. As a side note, let me say that this conversation with Bascar Sancara, who's a brilliant socialist writer and philosopher, represents what I hope to do with this podcast. I hope to talk to the left and the right, to the far left and the far right, always with the goal of presenting and understanding both the strongest interpretation of their ideas and valuable thought provoking arguments against those ideas. Also, I hope to understand the human being behind the ideas. I trust in your intelligence as the listener to use the ideas you hear to help you learn to think to empathize and to make up your own mind. I will often fall short in pushing back too hard or not pushing back enough, of not bringing up topics I should have, of talking too much, of interrupting too much or or maybe sometimes in the rare cases not enough, of being too silly on a serious topic or being too serious on a silly topic. I'm trying to do my best, and I will keep working my ass off to improve. In this way, I hope to talk to prominent figures in the political space, even controversial ones on both the left and the right. For example, I hope to talk to Donald Trump and Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, to Ron DeSantis and Barack Obama, and of course many others across the political spectrum. I sometimes hear accusations about me being controlled in some way by a government or an intelligence agency like CIA, FSB, Mossad. Or perhaps that I'm controlled in some way by the very human desire for money, fame, power, access. All I have is my silly little words, but let me give them to you. I'm not and will never be controlled by anyone. There's nothing in this world that can break me and force me to sacrifice my integrity. People call me naive. I'm not naive. I'm optimistic, and optimism isn't a passive state of being. It's a constant battle against the world that wants to pull you into a downward spiral of cynicism. To me, optimism is freedom, freedom to think, to act, to build, to help, at times in the face of impossible odds. As I often do, please allow me to read a few lines from the poem If by Roger Kipling. If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs and blaming it on you, if you can trust yourself when all men doubt you, but make allowance for their doubting too. If you can wait and not be tired by waiting or being lied about on dealing lies or being hated, don't give way to hating, and yet don't look too good or talk too wise. Even this very poem is mocking my over romantic ridiculousness as I read it. The meta irony is not lost on me, my friends. I'm a silly little kid trying to do a bit of good in this world. Thank you for having my back through all of it, all of my mistakes. Thank you for the love. And now a quick few second mention of each sponsor. Check them out in the description. It's the best way to support this podcast. We got House of Macadamias for snacks, Linode for Linux systems, Onit for supplements, Inside Tracker for biomonitoring and ExpressVPN for security and privacy. Choose wisely, my friends. And now onto the full latitudes. Never any ads in the middle. I hate those. I try to make this interesting, but if you skip them, please still check out our sponsors. I enjoy their stuff. Maybe you will too. This show is brought to you by a relatively new and a absolutely it's not even relative it's absolutely objectively delicious sponsor House of Macadamias. It's a company that ships delicious, high quality and healthy macadamia nuts directly to your door in all kinds of snacks based on macadamia nuts. The first shipment they sent me was just a source of a lot of happiness for me. I was going through some tough times in my life. Recently, there's been a lot of ups and downs. It's been it's been a wild ride. It's been a wild ride. And there's something about sitting in that couch I have which I got so I can feel like an adult and contemplating the ups and downs of life. And just letting my mind become still, empty it of thought, and then just slowly. With a with a stupid smile on my face, consume macadamia snacks. There's a lot of sexual innuendos I can do here by the way. If you doubt my ability to do sexual innuendos, how dare you? But I'm going to keep it respectful and say that it's 30 less carbs than almonds. Oh man, I don't even know. I think I've been always criticized in my life, one of the harshest criticisms throughout my life is I don't know how to pronounce almonds. Is it almond? The almonds, almonds, almonds, almonds. It's almonds, right? Yeah, it's almonds. Anyway, what matters is the snacks are delicious, and actually as a sponsor, they're awesome. They're with us for the long haul and they've just been so kind and. Respectful big fans and I'm just a big fan of there so anything you could do to support them, I would love it. It just means a lot to me when there's great companies doing great stuff and just being great people. I mean forget all the like the products and all that just I love it so support them they're really good people. Anyway, speaking of really good people and a really good company that you should definitely support is Linode. And this episode is brought to you by it. It's Linux virtual machines. I use a lot. It's an awesome computer infrastructure that lets you develop, deploy, and scale with applications you build faster and easier. There is nothing better than Linux. And here you don't have to have Linux in your machine, you can have it in the cloud, and you can have it not just a little baby machine. You can scale, you can launch a giant machine, you can launch many machines. By the way, they do have really good customer service 24 seven 365. But that's not what matters. What matters is Linux is awesome. Did I say that? Linus Torvald is definitely somebody he needs to talk to. Somebody posted on Reddit, why have you not talked to Linus Torvald yet? And it's a good question. I'm not sure I know exactly how to reach him, which sounds kind of funny, and I think he's not he's a difficult person to get to to do a long form interview. I think his source of happiness is in doing the work, in serving the Linux community, just doing the the low level kernel development and managing the community and all that. I don't know how much he enjoys conversation or educating or inspiring others about the work going on in Linux. I think it's really important because I think the world, I mean so many important things in the world run on Linux, and I don't know why we don't always celebrate that. And I mean it's one of the things I really love doing with this podcast is just celebrating amazing people, using technology or using whatever skill they have to try to build a better world. And I think that's what Linus is doing. That's what people working on Linux all all through the stacks. Well, there's the different distributions, the different packages and all that kind of stuff. There's the open source movement in general. It's just beautiful to see all the stuff you see on GitHub. It warms my heart to see all these brilliant engineers just building stuff, small stuff and big stuff, and many of it. Helps make the world a better place. It really I believe in honesty does. Anyway, visit linode dot com slash lex for free credit. This episode is brought to you by Onit, a nutrition supplement and fitness company. They make Alpha Brain, a nutropic that helps support memory, mental speed and focus. I sometimes take Alpha Brain if I know I have a very difficult design or programming task at hand that's going to take several hours of just focused work. And I'm not quite feeling it, so if I know there's a deep work session that's going to involve some mental blocks, mental struggle where it's going to be dead ends and so on, I'll I'll take an Alpha Brain to help me out. I recently been trying to adjust ways in which I slice my day. I really do find that I'm exceptionally productive and mentally sharp and focused in the morning. For several hours, so two, three, four, five, six, seven hours in the morning, as long as it's uninterrupted, as long as I don't talk or see other human beings or sees okay, see and smile, you know like the warmth of humanity is great, but there's something about talking that really drains me, especially in the morning, and then in the evening the same. I just am exceptionally productive and can really focus for long periods of time. But it's that afternoon time that I think is best for more like exercise and naps and. More relaxing or like tasks that don't require much much brain power. Anyway, it's kind of funny how each of us probably have our own little optimization problem that we're trying to solve about what makes us feel good, what makes us. What enables us to interact with other human beings in our lives that we love and make them feel good and just be a productive member of society. You know, reach for the stars, be the best version of yourself, but also just enjoy it. I mean, it's it's a it's a weird optimization problem that involves nutrition that involves exercise. And I think in part at least at some point in your life it involves a kind of strict analysis of your schedule of how you spend the the minutes in your day, and then I think part of that process is to then let it go. Similar with diet, you can have a strict diet once you understand the nature of calories and nutrition and so on that you can let go of that and have an. Instinctual understanding of food and then you can start to really enjoy food. Anyway, you can get a special discount on Alpha Brain at lexfreeman dot com slash Onit. This show is also brought to you by Inside Tracker, a service I use to track biological data that comes from my body and gives me suggestions about what I should do in my life. Now those suggestions are basic lifestyle decisions and diet decisions, but I can't wait until we have something like. Brain computer interface that enables you to make like career decisions, dating decisions, all kinds of decisions. Of course, not forcing them, just giving you like a clippy that pops up and says. Have you considered these red flags about this person that you're talking to? Or hey, that interesting person deserves another look. I don't know. I'm joking, of course, because I think that that level of recommendation is difficult to achieve. But the point is, there's so much data coming from your human body that. I think medicine and just in general recommendation should be based at least in part on that data versus looking at generic population data about what's good for you in terms of diet and exercise and sleep and all that kind of stuff. I think this is the future, and Inside Tracker is taking steps towards that future. Get special savings for a limited time, and you go to insidetracker dot com slash lex. Finally, this show is also brought to you by ExpressVPN. I've used them for many, many, many years—the big sexy red button. That you click and it just works, and it protects your privacy. On this big, beautiful complex. Internet of hours that's full of chaos and dangers and so on, a good VPN should be your first layer of protection, and it does a much of other things of course, but I think the most important thing is it just works. It works fast. It works on any device, any operating system. Works on Linux, anything Android. It's very intuitive to use. It does one thing and it does it extremely well, and that's what I think great pieces of software, great services should do. Do one thing and do it extremely well. Now to me, ExpressVPN for many years has been the embodiment of that idea. Go to expressvpn dot com slash lexpod for an extra three months free. This is the Lex Friedman podcast to support it. Please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here's Bascar Sancara. Let's start with a big broad question: What is socialism? How do you like to define it? How do you like to think about it? Well, there's so many socialists out there, and we can't seem to agree about anything. So my definition, I'm sure, is you know really just my definition, but I think at the minimum socialism is about making sure that the core necessities of life. Food, housing, education, and so on, are guaranteed to everyone just by virtue of being born, so that those people can reach their potential. And I think that's that's a minimum requirement of socialism. Beyond that, I think socialism, especially democratic socialism, the type of socialism that I believe in, is about taking democracy from just the political democratic realm and extending it into economic and social spheres as well. So if we think that democracy is a good thing, why do we allow our workplaces to be run in autocratic ways? So economic, political, social in all those realms, the the ideas, the philosophical ideas apply. Like what what are if you can put words to it, what are some. Philosophical ideas about human beings that are at the core of this. I think at the core it's the idea that we have intrinsic value. We are individuals that have unequal talents, of course, we are individuals that want different things, but this unique individualness can only. Truly come to light in a society in which there are certain collective or social guarantees, so we could think just like Stephen J Gould, the scientist and socialist used to say. About how many thousands of potential Einstein's or Leonardo da Vinci's that died, you know in sweatshops and on plantations and never got the chance to cultivate what was unique and human about themselves and also never got a chance to. Have families and impart what was special and important to them to future generations and to posterity. My own grandmother. I was born in Trinidad de Bago. She was illiterate till her dying days. She in in East Orange, New Jersey. She never had the chance to write down her memories of her life in Trinidad as a young woman and what it meant. She of course had lots of children. She was able to impart some stories to her children and grandchildren. But I often think about what someone with her wit and intelligence could have done with with a little bit more support. But if all human beings have intrinsic value, you don't have to be an Einstein for the application of some of the ideas that you're talking about. Is there a tension or a tradeoff between? Our human civilization, our society, helping the unlucky versus rewarding the skillful and the hard working. I think you could do both. There's always a balance between the two. I think you would reward people who make innovations and and and who improve lives for everyone through their innovations by giving them let's say even more consumption, even that level of inequality while still making sure that. There's not people in in poverty and suffering, and while making sure that hey, we're going to give these people who want to work that extra 10 hours or 20 hours or want to apply their their hard work some some extra benefits, but that these benefits would be. Not the extreme disparities that you have today, so at the core of socialism and maybe democratic socialism is a maybe a reallocation of wealth, reallocation of resources. I think it's wealth and resources, yes, but it's also power, and I guess one way to think about this is. Some thinkers on the right, like Hayek, they would say in their most generous moments talking about socialism and socialism, they would say socialists want to trade some of your freedom for equality. And that's them trying to just accurately describe what socialism is trying to do. The way that I would put it is a little bit different. Socialists are proposing a tradeoff, but it's really a tradeoff between freedom and freedom, and by that I mean. Let's say you set up a successful business, and you set up a business right here in Austin, Texas, some sort of firm. It's producing some widget or or whatever, and it's producing. A good that people really want and demand, but you have some competition. You decide to hire 20, 30 people to help you. You entered into a free contract with these people, who under capitalism, of course, we're not living in feudalism, have the option to join any other firm, but they like you and they like this firm and they like your offer and you're paying them. Let's say 20 an hour for 40 hours of work per week. Now if the government comes along and says. Okay, there's now a new minimum wage. The minimum wage is 22 an hour, and also there's a maximum work week 35 hour work week, and if you work someone over 35 hours, even if they agree, you have to pay them time and a half. Now that of course is now an abridgment of your freedom as an entrepreneur, your freedom to set certain terms of employment to engage in a contract with free people, but now your workers and other workers in this sector because if you did it unilaterally, you just get undercut by your competition. Now these people now have a few extra hours a week they can do whatever they want with you know they could watch more NFL with it they could you know spend more time with their friends or family or whatever else and they're still getting paid the same if not better because because the wages also. Went up, so it's really a question often of tradeoffs between who whose freedom and autonomy are you going to prioritize the freedom and autonomy of the entrepreneur or the capitalist in this case or the freedom and autonomy of ordinary workers. Now you could create a society that swings so far in the direction of. Prioritizing the freedom of one group or one class or or whatever else compared to another, that you end up in some sort of tyranny. Now if the state said. You know, you lex, you are a capitalist, so you don't get the right to vote, or we're going to take away your private home or your ability to to do things we think are intrinsic human rights. Now, this would be tyranny, this would be an abridgment of of your your rights, but shaping your ability in the economic sphere to be an an economic actor is, I think, within the realm and scope of democratic politics. Yeah, so those are the extremes you are referring to, and one perspective I like to take on socialism versus capitalism is. Under each system, the extremes of each system and the moderate versions of each system, how can people take advantage of it? So it seems like no matter what part of human nature is, whatever the rules, whatever the framework, whatever the system, somebody's going to take advantage of it, and that's the kind of pragmatic look at it in practice. What actually happens? Also, the incentives and the human behavior, what actually happens in practice under these systems. So if you have a higher and higher minimum wage and people watch more and more NFL, how does that change their actual behavior as a productive member of society? And actually, at the individual level, as somebody, as somebody who could be an Einstein and chooses not to because NFL is so awesome to watch. So like, is both how do people malicious people that want to take advantage, maybe not malicious, but people that like me are lazy and want to take advantage, and people that also I think like me, like I tend to believe about myself that I have potential, and if I let my laziness naturally take over, which it often does, I won't materialize the potential. So if you if you make life too easy for me, I feel like I will never get anything done. Me personally, of course, there is a giant set of circumstances of the unlucky and the overburdened and so on. Okay, so how can people take advantage of each system, socialism capitalism? So for one thing, people are going to take advantage of systems. They're going to find loopholes, they're going to find ways around, they're going to find ways to to at times dominate and coerce others, even in systems meant to get rid of domination and coercion. That's why we need to design our systems in such a way that that it eliminates as many of these things as possible. And also, that's why we need democracy, we need freedom. So in a Soviet system, for instance, you had the rise of this authoritarian bureaucracy that dominated and coerced others in the name of socialism. Now, that system desperately could have used some political democracy and some check on what people were doing and some ability to reverse their power, right? And as soon as, of course, little elements of democracy was brought to that system, the system you know collapsed because there started to be outlets for for dissent and for dissatisfaction. So I think we can't design our priority a perfect system. We need to be committed to certain principles that allow systems to be perfected. And for me, that's the importance of democracy. So even a few years ago, not to go on a on a tangent, but people are allowing Chinese authoritarianism and they're saying China is building this efficient system, the state runs so well, there is technocratic excellence, plus there is just productivity, and they're just working harder than Americans and whatever else. But look at in practice what really happened with COVID, both the initial suppressing of information about what was happening in in Wuhan and the outbreak where many ordinary Chinese workers and doctors and others were trying to get the word out and they were suppressed by Communist Party officials locally in in Wuhan, probably with the collusion naturally nationally. And now now with zero COVID policies and whatever else, so I think that that often we find that even though it seems like these are are weak systems and then democracy makes us less competent technocratically and otherwise, I think it's kind of a necessity for systems to grow and evolve to have that freedom in civil society. But as for individuals, now the first part of it is yeah, I think people should be free to make their own choices. You might have tremendous potential, but you might choose to spend it in leisure, and leisure doesn't only mean doing you know sitting around at home drinking a bunch of beers, kind of wasting your life away that way. Leisure might mean spending more time with your friends and family, building these sort of relationships that are going to maybe not change the world in some some medicines, but will change the lives of the people around you and will change your community for the for the better. I am taking notes here because I for me leisure just meant playing a lot of Skyrim. This whole family relationship that I am going to have to work on that I didn't realize that's also including leisure because I am going to have to reconsider my whole life here. Hey, no leisure should mean civic activity too, right? I mean, there is that famous book the the Robert Putnam one Bowling Alone or whatever which described that for now. I mean, I am I was born nineteen eighty nine. I like you know video and computer games, you know, so I definitely do that type of leisure too. But I found a lot more richness in my life when in the last you know decade, a lot of my leisure has returned to like going to the local bar for like the couple drinks I have a week instead of doing it at home alone watching television or something, you know because you get that random conversation, that sense of a place and and belonging. But I guess what's the undercurrent maybe of your question was now if you have a system with lots of carrots but not the whip of hey you might be destitute you might be unemployed you you might not be able to support yourself unless you are you are working a certain amount. Would we still be as productive? Would we still be able to generate enough value for society? And I think that that's a question that that is is quite quite interesting. I think that we're living in a society now with enough abundance that we could afford more people deciding to opt out of the system out of production, and that the carrots of staying in you know more money for consumption, more ability to do cool things, more just social rewards that comes from being successful or from from providing, would be enough. But that's another thing that would have to be balanced in a system. So if we are seeing mass unemployment by choice in a democratic socialist system, then you might need to reconfigure the incentives. You might need to encourage people to go back into production, but that's something that again you could do through democracy and through good governance. You don't have to set the perfect blueprint in in motion. You know, write up a treatise now and fifty years from now, you know, try to follow like it's scripture. So by the way, I do like how you said whip instead of stick in carrot and stick. That's putting a weight on the scale of which is better. But yes, but I would actually argue to push back that the wealthier we get as a societies as a world, that the more comfortable the social nets become. The so the less of a whip or a stick they become, because one of the negative consequences even if you are on welfare is like well life is not going to be that great, but the the wealthier we become, the better the social programs become, the easier life becomes at the bottom. And so you might not have this motivation financially to get out from the bottom. That said, the pushback on the pushback is that there is something about human nature in general money aside that strives for greatness that strives to provide. A great life, a great middle class life for your family, and so that's the motivator to get off from the bottom. Well, I think a lot of people who are stuck at the bottom of the labor market today. One, these are people who are kind of are are true philanthropists because a lot of them are the ones who are working two jobs and are working sixty plus hours and are providing in this country at such a such a bargain for their labor because they're so underpaid. So many of the things that the rest of us use up to to enjoy life and consumption or whatever else like I I got here from downtown Austin and I think my lift you know I did tip but I think my lift was like eight bucks base or whatever else you know it's it's it's it's it's the I think that we are all indebted to people who are are working and we don't see at various stages of the the production process from you know the workers in China and Taiwan producing you know technological things that that we're recording this on to you know growers and and and and workers in agriculture in the US. So so I think that one working class people are already working, but as far as you know getting out from under poverty and and desperation, we're in a society that doesn't give people a lot of tools. So if you don't have access to good public schools from you know age five until you know twelve thirteen, it's going to be really hard to move from generations of of your your family being involved in manual labor to doing other forms of of labor. You are going to be stuck at a certain part of our of our labor market as a as a result. If you don't have access to decent healthcare, you know throughout your life, you might be already preordained to an early grave by the time that something kicks in. You really want to to change something in your life in the the your your mid twenties. Obviously, it's a combination of agency and all these other factors. There is still something I think innately human innately striving that a lot of people have, but we don't really give people in our current society the tools to really be full participants in our society. We just take for granted, for example, you know from the northeast. I give like excessively northeast example. We take for granted that that someone from you know Hartford Connecticut is going to have your average working class person Hartford is going to have a very different life outcome than someone born on the same day the same hour in in Greenwich Connecticut. You know we we we take for granted that accidents of birth are going to dictate outcomes. So you mean like depending on the conditions of where you grew up, there is going to be fundamentally different experience in terms of education, in terms of the resources available to you to allow yourself to flourish. Yes, a poor city and a rich city in Connecticut is is great. It's highly highly underrated. Both New Yorkers and people from Boston kind of have a colonial feeling about Connecticut where we make fun of it and we try to carve it up. You know the West belongs to New York, the East to Boston, but you know I am I am here for you know Connecticut nationalism. I think it's it's a great place. Okay, can we actually step back a little bit on definitions? Because you said that some of the ideas practically that you are playing with is is democratic socialism. We talked about the higher level, the higher kind of vision of socialism, the ideals, the philosophical ideas. But how does it all fit into the big picture historically of ideas of Marxism, communism, and socialism as as it was defined and experienced and implemented in the twentieth century? So what are your key differences? Maybe even just like socialism communism. Yeah, well I hate the no true Scotsman sort of response to this, which is oh that socialism is bad, so it wasn't really socialism and my socialism is good, so it is socialism. But I think that socialism and communism share a common ancestor, which is they both emerged out of the turmoil and development of late nineteenth century capitalism and the fact that there was all these workers parties that were organizing across the capitalist world. So in Europe for instance, you had this mass party called the German Social Democratic Party in the that became probably the most important the most vibrant party in Germany in the eighteen eighties and eighteen nineties. But they were locked out of power because Germany at the time was was still mostly autarkic. You know it had parliamentary democracy, but it was a very undemocratic democracy. The Kaiser still still ruled. These movements took root across the capitalist world, but including in Russia and in conditions of illegality. So it was assumed for many many years in the workers movement across Europe and among socialists of Europe they called themselves social democrats then. That the revolution would first probably happen in Germany in this developed growing hub of industrial capitalism and not in semi feudal Russia. But then World War One came, the workers movement was split between parties that decided to either keep their head down or to implicitly support the war, and then you know support the war for now keep your heads down, don't get banned, don't get arrested, then we'll just take power after the war is over. And those like Russia and also in the United States for that matter that chose the path of resistance to the war, and it was the Bolshevik faction of the the the of the Russian movement, Lenin's Bolshevik party that took power in in Russia after a period of turmoil where it didn't seem. What was it going to go to the fascist right or was it going to go to the far left? There was a period of flux and turmoil in in Russia, but definitely the old regime was not able to to stand. And these Russian social democrats, these Bolsheviks, said social democracy has so betrayed the idea of internationalism and brotherhood and progress that it was supposed to stand for that we can't call ourselves social democrats anymore. We're going to go back to this old term that Marx used. We're going to call ourselves communists, and that's where official kind of communism out of Russia emerged. In other parts of Europe, parties were actually able to take power some in the interwar period, but most in the postwar period, and they also came out of this old social democratic movement and these parties mostly just called themselves socialists. And a lot of them still on paper wanted to go beyond capitalism, but in practice they just managed capitalism better in the interests of workers, but they all had the same common ancestor. And in practice, to me, social democracy means trying to insert doses of socialism within capitalism but maintaining capitalism. Communism meant this attempt to build socialism outside of capitalism in often authoritarian ways in part because of the ideology of these communists, but in part because of the conditions in which they inherited. You know they were inheriting a democracy, they were inheriting a country that had been ruled by the czars for. You know for centuries, and with very little condition like a very weak working class, you know very you know poor and devastated by war and so on, where authoritarianism kind of landed itself to those conditions. Then there is me, you know. Then there is democratic socialists, and the way I would define it is we like a lot of what the social democrats accomplished, but we still believe in going beyond capitalism and not just building socialism within capitalism, but we believe in this ultimate vision of a world after capitalism. What does that world look like and how is it different from communism? Actually, maybe we can linger before we talk about your vision of democratic socialism. What was wrong with communism, Stalinism, implementation of communism in the Soviet Union? Why did it go wrong? So and in what ways did it not go wrong? In what ways did it succeed? Let me start with the second part of that question, and that's a very difficult one to answer in part because I morally and ethically am opposed to any form of authoritarianism or dictatorship. And often when you talk about the successes of a government or what it did developmentally that might have been positive, we have to abstract ourselves from what we morally believe and just just kind of look at the record. Right. I would say that the Soviet experiment started off by in Lenin's time as the attempt to kind of just a holding action. Hey, we don't really have the conditions to rule this country. We have the support of the working class, or most of it. But the working class is only you know three percent of the the population. You know the peasantry is really against us. A lot of this three percent of the population has died in war and half of them supported the Mensheviks and the more moderate socialists anyway. But the alternative in their minds was going to be a far right reaction, you know some sort of general taking power in a coup or whatever else, or just them ending up back in prison because a lot of them were in prison under the czar or just killed. So they figured, all right, we're going to have a holding action where we maintain as much of this territory of the old Russian Empire as possible. We'll try to slowly implement changes, re stabilize the economy through something called a new economic program, which was kind of a a form of social democracy if you if you will because it allowed market exchange for the peasants combined with state ownership of industries in the cities. And for a while it seemed to be working. The revolution never came that they were expecting in Western Europe, but in Russia itself they were able to re stabilize things by the middle or end of the the nineteen twenties and they were able to build more of a popular base for some of their policies because people who had seen the chaos of World War One and Revolution and then Civil War kind of just wanted stability. And after a decade plus of war, if you had a government that was able to give you enough to eat and a job, you know that was good enough for them. Then Stalin came into power and he wanted to rapidly industrialize, and his logic was the revolution is not going to come in the West. We need to build socialism in one country and we need to catch up with the West. We need to turn ourselves into industrial powerhouse as quickly as possible. And that's where you got forced collectivization to try to increase the productivity of Russian agriculture through state ownership of previously fragmented agricultural holdings and through the. Implementation of mechanization, so bringing in more machines to make agriculture more productive, all under state ownership. Plus, more ambitious attempts to build heavy industry through five-year plans. Now, I say this kind of coolly, but we know in practice what that meant. You know, forced collectivization was a disaster. I mean, first of all, I think was built on the faulty premise. That scale always equals more productivity. When in fact, especially in agriculture, but in any field, it's a little bit more complicated than that. And it led to millions of deaths. You know, it led to famine, it led to a host of other problems. Industrialization, in the way that it happened under Stalin, also kind of unbalanced the Soviet economy to lean too heavy towards heavy industry, not enough of medium or light industry. But this did mean, especially the the five-year plan and industrialization, did manage to put Russia on a different. Developmental trajectory. So, by the time the post-war period came, one it might have gave them the ability to survive the Nazi invasion to begin with. That's a complicated question. And then by the time the post-war period came, Russia had kind of jumped ahead of its developmental trajectory in a way that a lot of other countries didn't do. There are a few examples, like Japan is one, they managed to. If you kind of ran a scenario where Japan would be in the eighteen seventies, eighteen eighties, and ran it a hundred times, the Japan of the post-war period is kind of one of the best outcomes, right? And I think that that you could say that about Russian economic development, its ability to catch up at a certain level to the West. And then after that, of course, later on, as economies got more complex, as they kind of moved beyond a regular heavy industry and as as the main stable of the economy, the Russian economy in its command system was unable to adapt and cope and ended up falling back behind the West again by the by the nineteen seventies. So this is a very long story to say that a lot went wrong in Russia. The economic picture is actually a little bit more complicated politically. I think it's just a small party without much popular support, but with real popular support in a couple cities when a lot without a lot of popular support, empire wide. Took power and they felt they couldn't give back power, and they kept holding on to power and eventually among their ranks in

本集資源與出處