第 231 期·中文精讀

亞歷克斯·格拉德斯坦:比特幣、威權主義與人權

Alex Gladstein: Bitcoin, Authoritarianism, and Human Rights

人權倡導者談比特幣如何被威權國家下的活動者使用,以及貨幣與自由的關聯。

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中文精讀由 AI 基於原始訪談改寫,非官方翻譯,可能存在偏差或錯誤;表述以原音訊與官方文稿為準。說明

把全世界的難民、赤貧人口、自然災害受害者、喝不上乾淨水的人全部加在一起,數量還是趕不上另一群人:生活在威權體制下的 43 億人。

這個數字出自人權基金會(Human Rights Foundation,HRF)首席戰略官亞歷克斯·格拉德斯坦(Alex Gladstein)的統計口徑。他把全球 95 個國家划進威權這一類,覆蓋世界人口的 53%。

這 43 億人卻很少成為話題中心。格拉德斯坦的觀察很直接:掌權者樂於用自由和隱私換錢,跨國公司和投資人不介意配合。他舉了兩個例子,一個是即將在中國舉辦的奧運會及其贊助商名單,另一個是去沙特參加"沙漠達沃斯"的那批著名投資人。那陣子沙特政府正在拷打一個只想開車的女活動家,幾年前剛以極其殘忍的方式殺害了記者卡舒吉。

這期播客裡,格拉德斯坦花了兩個多小時,把"錢"這個幾乎從不進入人權討論的變數,攤到桌面上講了一遍。

聯合國人權宣言其實是一份談判記錄

訪談從一個基礎問題起步:哪些人權是所有人都該有的?

格拉德斯坦列了一串:言論自由、集會自由、信仰自由、參與治理的自由、隱私、財產權。他給這些起了個統稱,叫"消極權利"(negative rights)。

這個詞容易讓人誤會。消極權利指的是"免於被幹涉的自由",積極權利指的是"應當被提供的福利"。前者要求權力別碰你,後者要求權力給你東西。

二戰後聯合國起草《世界人權宣言》時,那份檔案本質上是蘇聯和美國談出來的妥協。美國這邊塞進去的是言論、結社、集會這些自由,蘇聯那邊要的是工作權、住房權、飲水權、休假權。

今天把那份宣言從頭讀到尾,讀到的是一份談判記錄,不是一份哲學著作。

威權政權可以一邊造假,一邊宣稱自己在提供福利,同時把自由全部拿走。他們能做到這一點,是因為沒有言論自由和新聞自由。當你把人的基本自由拿走之後,造一個波將金村太容易了。(格拉德斯坦)

古巴、委內瑞拉、蘇聯,這套把戲玩了幾十年。格拉德斯坦提到 70 年代另一份檔案《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》,HRF 把它當作立身之本,因為那裡面寫的全是消極權利。

他的判斷是:先把自由這張桌子搭穩,再往上擺福利這盤菜。挪威兩樣都有,朝鮮只宣稱有福利,自由一樣沒有。這兩國的差別,就是整件事的差別。

三個測試:驕傲遊行、諷刺喜劇、城鎮廣場

怎麼判斷一個國家是不是威權體制?格拉德斯坦給了幾個特別樸素的測試。

頭一個:能不能辦同志驕傲遊行。這個測試的準確率高得出奇,跟統治者的宗教信仰無關。法西斯式的政權都需要一個"他者"來背鍋,同性戀群體、宗教少數群體都是常見目標。烏干達、沙特、中國、古巴,名單很長。

更狠的一種做法是否認存在。內賈德當年在哥倫比亞大學演講,說伊朗沒有同性戀。格拉德斯坦認為這是最高階別的妖魔化:直接抹掉你的存在。

第二個測試:能不能靠諷刺政府在電視上賺錢。

他跟生活在獨裁國家的同行講,在美國,喜劇演員不光能安全地嘲諷政府,還能因此賺很多錢。對方聽了都覺得不可思議。這確實是自由社會的一個標誌。

第三個測試來自蘇聯異見者納坦·夏蘭斯基(Natan Sharansky)的書,叫"城鎮廣場測試":你能不能走到住所附近的公共空間,大聲批評你的統治者,而不擔心報復?

在哈瓦那、莫斯科、北京做不到。在奧斯汀、波士頓、倫敦、聖地亞哥、東京可以。

格拉德斯坦強調,這不等於說這些國家的政府就一定好。美國的監獄系統是災難,禁毒戰爭一塌糊塗,入侵伊拉克是嚴重罪行。它的底層架構仍然是開放社會:公民有推動改革的渠道,有問責統治者的辦法。罵美國罵得最兇的人,通常就住在那裡。把他們放到古巴去,用同一套話術罵古巴,日子不會好過。

平臺封禁和國家審查,中間隔著一支軍隊

訪談裡有一段關於言論自由的細辯。

Lex 提到一個現象:陰謀論內容算不算受保護的言論?他說自己跟 Alex Jones 吃過飯,聊過幾次,能理解為什麼那麼多人反感他,但一個平臺接一個平臺地把他徹底清除,讓他不舒服。比 Alex Jones 惡劣得多的人還在平臺上說話。他不舒服的點是這種清除的"普遍性"。

格拉德斯坦的回應把兩件事拆開了:

審查和下架是兩回事。私營公司可以自己定規則,決定平臺上允許什麼。這跟一個拿著槍、有軍隊的政府,用暴力威脅限制公民說話,差著量級。(格拉德斯坦)

他補了一句:Alex Jones 如果在朝鮮、古巴、俄羅斯或中國,早就進監獄或者死了。在這邊他還能折騰,遇到的阻力來自觀念市場,大公司、大機構、公眾情緒不喜歡他,試圖蓋過他的聲音。這跟國家暴力威脅完全是兩種東西。

Lex 又往前推了一步:那 AWS 把 Parler 踢下線算什麼?越往計算機基礎設施那層走,離國家就越近。格拉德斯坦同意這個直覺,尤其看中國和俄羅斯,那層基礎設施基本都在國家眼皮底下。控制哪個社交網路能不能執行,這件事讓人不安。

兩人的共識是:先把明顯的侵犯拎出來,灰區很有意思,但不能因為灰區模糊就忘了黑和白。

資本主義不會自動站在人權這一邊

Lex 問了一個尖銳的問題:資本主義是不是有個缺陷,對侵犯人權的行為睜一隻眼閉一隻眼?

格拉德斯坦的回答分兩半。

前半段是辯護。自由貿易本身是好的。法國和德國一百年裡打了三場仗,互相屠殺了大量男性人口,今天兩國之間打仗是不可想象的事,很大程度靠的就是貿易和協作的加深。兩個資本主義主體之間發生暴力的機率很低。

後半段是轉折:一旦摻進一個威權主體,規則就全變了。真正的衝突落在資本主義主體和威權主體之間。到了地緣政治這一層,光有賺錢的動機不夠,必須有人為原則站出來。否則結果就是運動員、企業、政府全都樂呵呵地跟中共做生意。

他舉了個具體的對照:當年怎麼搞垮南非種族隔離的。

那套打法是和平的:國外的和平行動、企業撤資、蘇利文原則、文化活動抵制。音樂家、運動員、演員、名人不進場,不給那個政權合法性。這套東西很有用。

現在的名人做的是反方向的事。他提到一份新聞稿,某位歌手跑去給烏干達獨裁者洗白,還打算跟對方一起建一座未來城市。

如果這是 1980 年代,他會舉起拳頭說,我們要對抗種族隔離政權。我們是怎麼走到今天這一步的?我們得想辦法把名人、網紅和公司的力量重新調動起來,讓他們為某件事真正站一次隊。(格拉德斯坦)

更讓他痛心的是西藏。90 年代那是個大議題,大學宿舍裡掛滿雪山獅子旗,"自由西藏"到處都在喊。後來不知怎麼就沒了,而西藏已經被徹底殖民。

他說自己很悲觀:2008 年沒能抵制北京奧運,這次也不會成功。對方比當年更強硬。

比特幣是特洛伊木馬,肚子裡裝著自由

正因為他對人權事業的激勵機制如此悲觀,比特幣才讓他興奮。

他講了維吉爾《埃涅阿斯紀》裡的特洛伊木馬。希臘人攻特洛伊城牆攻了十年攻不下來,尤利西斯想出個主意,造一匹巨大的木馬當禮物留下,全軍假裝撤退,藏在一座島後面。特洛伊城裡有兩個人識破了:預言家卡珊德拉和祭司拉奧孔。沒人聽。木馬太漂亮了,特洛伊人自己把它搬進了城,一滴血沒流。半夜,肚子裡計程車兵爬出來,開啟城門。

格拉德斯坦認為比特幣就是這個結構。

外殼叫 NGU,number go up,數字上漲。這是圈內的黑話,指價格上漲。

肚子裡的東西叫 FGU,freedom go up,自由上漲。

獨裁者、流氓政權、大公司會去買、去挖、去收稅、去囤這個東西,因為它是全球表現最好的金融資產。他們沒意識到、或者只能假裝沒意識到的是,他們同時也在協助和教唆這項自由技術,它讓個體獲得主權,最終會侵蝕他們自己的權力。(格拉德斯坦)

已經有人在用了。朝鮮、委內瑞拉的政府會指使官僚和親信去偷比特幣、囤比特幣,繞開制裁換美元。被指使去搞懂這玩意兒的那些人,會突然發現:這是政府控制不了的錢。這件事會像病毒一樣擴散。

這就是激勵對齊。做人權 NGO 最難的地方是,你得靠募捐,靠說服別人關心一千英里外跟你毫無關係的人。人的共情是本地化的,讓美國人關心白俄羅斯或者克什米爾發生的事,非常難。

比特幣繞過了這個難題。特斯拉買比特幣只是因為覺得它能抗通脹,動機純屬自利,順帶把網路做大了一點,價格漲一點,參與的人多一點,開發者多一點,錢包介面好一點,隱私工具多一點,算力多一點。這是個正反饋。

格拉德斯坦說,他從來沒見過這種機制。人們可以儘可能地貪婪,而貪婪本身在推動一件解放工具。

交易所為了省手續費,順手保護了你的隱私

同樣的邏輯在第二層也成立。

閃電網路(Lightning Network)是比特幣的擴容方案。打比方的話,主鏈是金條,紙幣是第一次擴容,Visa 信用卡是第二次,閃電是在比特幣之上的第三次:一個私密的、即時的、全球最終結算的網路。

閃電走鏈下,洋蔥路由,結構上類似 Tor,鏈上分析公司看不到裡面的東西。

交易所接入閃電,動機跟你的隱私沒關係。手續費便宜,速度快,利潤驅動,隱私受益。

還有個更遠的東西叫跨輸入簽名聚合(cross-input signature aggregation)。如果幾年內落地,它可能逼著交易所把使用者的比特幣合併成一筆交易共同花費,參與方越多,每人分攤越便宜。這會把隱私保護變成成本優勢。他們肯幹這件事的理由跟道德無關,純粹因為省錢。

現在的情況正相反。CoinJoin 這類混幣操作要付溢價,隱私是加價項。那個升級會把它翻過來。

"區塊鏈"是個營銷詞,中本聰寫的是時間鏈

Lex 提到 Eric Weinstein 的一個說法:區塊鏈是一箇中心化的地方,用來儲存所有發生過的事,從 1 萬英尺往下看,這不太讓人放心。

格拉德斯坦的回應指出兩件事。

第一,主鏈是結算層,類似美聯儲的 Fedwire。二三十年後普通人根本不會碰主鏈,他們用閃電,或者用託管方,主鏈交易會貴到幾百美元以上,只留給大額轉賬和最終結算。這沒問題,前提是那本賬由全球成千上萬的人各自儲存。他自己就跑一個全節點,花不到 150 美元的樹莓派裝置就夠。所以不存在"亞馬遜雲服務一關就沒了"的漏洞。

政府可以關掉一個大網站,一個新聞源。他們關不掉比特幣,因為它不住在 AWS 上,它住在我們這裡。我們就是比特幣。(格拉德斯坦)

第二件事更尖銳:誰張嘴就說"區塊鏈",說明他不太懂自己在聊什麼。中本聰在白皮書里根本沒用 blockchain 這個詞,他用的是 time chain。區塊鏈是後來人造出來的營銷詞,2015 年前後火到頂峰,那種"要區塊鏈不要比特幣"的話術,本質是一次企業界對社會輿論的攻擊:把那個激進東西里無害的一小塊賬本拿出來,說我們把它變安全了,給所有人用。

真正的核心是工作量證明(proof of work),交易處理靠挖礦、靠能源、靠真實世界的開銷來完成,不靠某個中心化的賬本。

他順帶評價了以太坊轉向權益證明(proof of stake):那就是現有體系,一小撮人決定貨幣政策,聲譽在裡面很值錢,可以被操縱。他的原話是從政治學角度看,這件事就是自由對獨裁。

比特幣最可能怎麼失敗:被詐騙淹沒

Lex 提了一個很有價值的質疑。他從小在蘇聯長大,對任何一群人"非常確定"的狀態都保持警惕,不管那個想法是什麼。比特幣社群裡那種確定感讓他緊張。

格拉德斯坦承認這一點,還講了自己的經歷:2013 年第一次聽說比特幣,覺得"哦隨便吧",四五年後才真正鑽進去,2017 年才開始興奮。他做性格測試,懷疑傾向 99 分。

他給出的最大失敗風險落在詐騙這一邊。

在辛巴威,他採訪過一位研究外匯市場的記者。對方說,當地人不敢碰比特幣的頭號原因,是被之前那些傳銷盤、金字塔騙局、龐氏騙局傷得太狠。人道主義領域也被忽悠過,一堆中心化專案打著"幫難民"的旗號,最後全塌了。

Lex 接了一句很有畫面感的話:那些假冒他名字的賬號在 LinkedIn 上釣魚,有人真的上鉤。人未必是傻,只是太樂觀,對世界抱有希望,對惡的東西缺乏防備。

兩人在這裡達成了一個微妙的共識:比特幣社群應該把確定性收一收。Lex 說,一群人像邪教一樣亢奮的時候,他就開始懷疑。格拉德斯坦回應說,他理解這種機制的必要性,網路效應需要熱情來推動,但警惕是對的。

獨裁者為什麼要先殺光溫和派

訪談中間有一段關於民主與專制的結構分析,值得單獨拎出來。

格拉德斯坦引用了一個比喻:生活在極權國家就像生活在政治沙漠裡。沙漠里長什麼?蠍子和仙人掌。

因為獨裁者控制局面最有效的手段,是先把溫和派清除掉。他需要反對者只剩極端分子。這樣當他跟美國談判時,可以把那些"恐怖分子"舉起來說:要麼是我們,要麼是他們。於是華盛頓的現實主義者選了獨裁者。這也是過去幾十年美國支援了那麼多獨裁政權的結構性原因之一。

關於民主的起源,他的說法是:人類絕大部分歷史都活在一個人或一小群人的統治下,民主是很晚近的發明,而且不止一處發明,西非有,古希臘有。當然很長時間裡只有有產者、男性、某個人種才有份。

但"我們該被規則統治,而不是被統治者統治"這個想法極其強大。他認為這條線索和科學創新之間有直接的連線:言論自由、個人自由、繁榮、文明效率。

現狀是半杯水。好的那一半是,將近一半人類生活在民主制度下,這是幾十億人,是了不起的成就。壞訊息是 2015 年前後這個程序停滯了。菲律賓、泰國、孟加拉、土耳其都在倒退,加起來就是五億人。亞美尼亞、馬來西亞有些正向變化,整體是僵局。

他真正擔心的是數字化會往哪個方向推。埃及的例子他講得很清楚:穆巴拉克倒臺,穆爾西上臺,穆斯林兄弟會看起來並不打算好好搞民主,然後軍方回來了,塞西比穆巴拉克更糟。選舉本身毫無意義,希特勒是選上來的,查韋斯是選上來的,金正恩也是"選"上來的,選票上就他一個。選舉必須建在言論自由、公民社會、分權這幾層地基上,否則就是一把爬上去之後抽掉的梯子。

數字列寧主義:新疆的二維碼和 DNA 庫

這是訪談裡最沉重的一段。

Lex 提到《紐約客》那篇叫《Ghost Walls》的報道,講一個維吾爾女性 2017 年被送進營地,一年多才出來。她描述說,新疆每一戶人家門上都有二維碼,警察一掃就能調出這戶住著誰;每輛車都有可掃描的編碼;每個人的 DNA 都被採集,然後用演算法篩查比對。烏魯木齊建了專門的超級計算機,就為了幹這件事。

這是中國政府的一個實驗室,研究怎麼用技術來壓迫。可以叫它數字列寧主義。這是我們今天這個世界最大的風險之一,而且討論得太少。(格拉德斯坦)

Lex 在這段提出了他少見的反對意見。他傾向於認為政府在技術領域終究是笨拙的,總是滯後。監控在中心化視角下其實很難做全,你可以偽造大量資訊,讓公民大規模地給政府喂假資料,把監控搞失效。

格拉德斯坦沒反駁技術上的可能性,他反駁的是緊迫性:這套東西已經在賣了。從拉美到撒哈拉以南非洲到歐洲腹地,各國政府都在採購中國的監控裝置。英國採購中國監控技術已經鬧出過大丑聞。這是"一帶一路"的一部分:輸出電信層和監控層的基礎設施,裝到幾十個國家,留好後門。中國有部國家安全法,規定中國公司在海外必須把資料回傳北京。

老大哥只能靠吃你的資料長大。它拿不到你的資料,它就長不大。是你主動把東西交給雲端,這個怪物才有得吃。我們能讓它餓著,讓它縮小。(格拉德斯坦)

斯諾登那件事,他總結出兩條教訓。第一條:愛國者法案、反恐戰爭、大規模監控,對民主和自由都不是必需品,這是個假選擇,那些花了幾億美元的專案產出極少,只剩下官僚浪費和自由被侵蝕。第二條:我們得自己多練隱私,Signal 使用者從幾千萬漲起來是好事,政府也許能看到後設資料,看不到內容。

錢為什麼是人權問題

這是整期訪談的核心轉折。

格拉德斯坦說,他在人權圈幹了十幾年,發現貨幣這件事在人權話語裡幾乎是缺席的。誰發行貨幣、誰定利率、誰定規則,這些不在人權活動家的選單上。學校也不教。

他參加了無數場奧斯陸自由論壇,見過幾百個異見人士,很少有人主動談貨幣、銀行賬戶、跨境轉賬。他一旦開口問,每個人都有一肚子故事。

辛巴威的例子最有代表性。發起"This Flag"運動、最終把穆加貝拉下馬的那位活動家伊萬·馬維爾(Ivan Mawire),被請到舊金山講惡性通脹。他上臺第一件事是解開襯衫,掏出一條項鍊,墜子是一枚 1980 年的辛巴威元硬幣。他說,我們這些活動人士戴著它,是紀念這個國家曾經的樣子:那時候一津元值兩英鎊。之後二十多年經濟管理失敗和腐敗,把貨幣通脹到不存在。

如果你真的去跟人權活動家聊錢,他們懂的很多。只是沒人問他們。(格拉德斯坦)

數字擺出來更清楚。全世界只有 13% 的人,生活在既有產權保障、又有儲備貨幣的自由民主國家。所謂儲備貨幣,就是美國、英國、澳大利亞、瑞士、歐元區、加拿大那幾種,穩定到別國的央行願意拿它當儲備。

剩下的 87%,接近 70 億人,要麼活在弱貨幣裡,要麼活在威權體制下。

還有一個數字:大約 13 億人生活在兩位數或三位數通脹之下。奈及利亞 2 億人,通脹 15%;土耳其 1 億人,15%;阿根廷 4500 萬人,40%。這樣的國家大概有 35 個。人們的工資在幾周或幾個月內肉眼可見地蒸發。

在格拉德斯坦看來,這就是人權問題。你的時間和精力換來的東西被偷走,沒有比這更直白的侵犯。

阿富汗的女程式設計師和她們的比特幣工資

比特幣在這件事上有兩個明確用途。

第一,主權儲蓄賬戶。抗通脹,政府不能想印就印。第二,不可阻斷的支付網路。

第二個用途在制裁環境下特別重要。美國製裁某些國家時,經常是整國封死,統治者的日子照過,普通人遭殃。古巴、伊朗、巴勒斯坦都是例子。這三個地方現在都有人用比特幣做生意、收付款。

匯款也是個大坑。西聯匯款的費率、到賬時間、卡單、客服,這些都讓人抓狂。對方有手機,直接點對點轉過去就完了。按目前的速度,到 2022 年底全球會有五六十億人擁有智慧手機。

他講了一個讓他記了很多年的例子。阿富汗科技公司 CEO 羅亞·馬赫布卜(Roya Mahboob),2013 年創辦了該國第一家全女性軟體公司。那些女員工不被允許開銀行賬戶。如果她們把現金帶回家,丈夫、叔叔或者兄弟會把錢拿走,這是父權結構下的權力關係。她們有手機。羅亞用比特幣給她們發工資,沒人知道,錢就是她們的。

無許可的錢,在這個場景裡就是賦權工具。

Lex 在這裡補了一段個人感受。他記得自己很小的時候,因為要 18 歲才能開銀行賬戶,那種對父母的財務依賴讓他很不舒服。格拉德斯坦說 HRF 資助過一個 17 歲的開發者,那人 14 歲入圈的原因就是想自己掌控錢。歷史上很多數學和科學的重大貢獻是 15 歲之前做出來的,這些人成熟度足夠,卻連個賬戶都開不了。

不是你的私鑰,就不是你的幣

這裡要區分託管和非託管。

今天大部分使用者是託管用法,在 Coinbase、Square 上買幣,相當於在銀行開個存款賬戶,你持有的是一份債權。非託管相當於從 ATM 取現,你手上拿的是一張不記名票據(bearer instrument),誰也拿不走。

憑證是 12 到 24 個英文單詞,寫在紙上,那就是你賬戶的密碼。圈內那句話是:不是你的私鑰,就不是你的幣。

格拉德斯坦對"比特幣太難用"這個說法有點不耐煩。紐約時報寫過某個矽谷人把所有比特幣弄丟了,那人的問題是十年前幣不值錢,他不在乎,忘了密碼。如果你是在等家人匯來的救命錢,你不會忘。

他要求別低估普通人。真正缺錢的人對錢最敏感,會自己琢磨出各種辦法。Lex 提到在蘇聯長大的經驗:整個官僚體系和普遍的腐敗逼著人想辦法繞路,怎麼在通脹下活、怎麼不信任警察還能辦事,全是硬練出來的。比特幣的各種存法用法,很可能先在第三世界跑通,而不是在矽谷。

手機錢包已經在驗證這條路。阿根廷團隊做的 Muun 錢包,介面順滑得不像加密產品。做這個東西的動因很直接:自己國家的貨幣過去二十年貶值了三次,跨境轉錢難到崩潰。

他拿手機普及做類比。早期的行動電話又大又貴,介面糟糕,只有精英用得起。後來一路變小、變便宜、變好用,今天人人都有。比特幣會走同一條曲線,現在還在很早期。

以太坊的問題:沒人能說清它的貨幣政策

Lex 丟擲了一個瀏覽器類比:IE 曾經統治市場,後來被 Chrome、Firefox、Brave 搶走。比特幣會不會也被後來者取代?

格拉德斯坦的回答很乾脆:不會。創新點在那個去中心化的鑄造機制上,貨幣政策誰也改不了。別的都是下游。

比特幣上限 2100 萬枚,永遠不會有第 2101 萬枚。

其他的幣,要麼是通脹政策,要麼貨幣政策可以被一小撮人改。他說這件事在以太坊身上看得最清楚。他過去幾周跟以太坊的資深工程師聊過,問以太坊的貨幣政策到底是什麼,沒人能給他答案。轉向權益證明之後,2022 到 2023 年 ETH 會增發多少?他看到的估計從 10 萬枚到 200 萬枚,差 20 倍。

說到底,你得信任一小撮人來做這些決定。而這恰恰是比特幣要擺脫的東西。(格拉德斯坦)

CoinMarketCap 上掛著 4500 種幣,絕大部分是純騙局。剩下的就算動機高尚,他也覺得創造不了太多價值。

他還提了一句:全世界最有用的第二號加密貨幣大概是 USDT,完全中心化,帶黑名單功能。它跟比特幣屬於不同層次,更像是在美元體系外面套一層歐洲美元(Eurodollar)的結構,仍然錨定美元,沒有逃出系統。穩定幣本質上是私人主體鑄造的歐洲美元。真逃出去的是比特幣:自己的價值儲存、交換媒介、計價單位,將來整個比特幣世界會用另一套單位計價,其他一切都會跟它掛鉤。

卡薩帕羅夫,和一個不想再被站臺的普京

HRF 的前任主席是瓦茨拉夫·哈維爾(Václav Havel),2011 年去世。接任的是加里·卡薩帕羅夫(Garry Kasparov)。

格拉德斯坦說,哈維爾的位子沒人能接,如果真有人能,那就是卡薩帕羅夫。他本來可以退休,可以換個活法,可以跟普京混在一起弄艘遊艇。他選擇的是回不了國。瑪莎·格森(Masha Gessen)那本《沒有臉的人》裡有一章寫他競選總統時被跟蹤,他把一切都押上了。

這不是掛名主席。他到處飛,參加活動,參與策略討論。有位常來參加活動的記者說,他一進屋,屋裡的平均智商就明顯上升。

Lex 提到自己作為俄羅斯人對普京的複雜視角:他傾向於像百年後回望歷史那樣去研究這個人。卡薩帕羅夫這類活動家的態度是:俄羅斯的方向還能改,具體的人、社群、國家都能採取行動。

這裡有個細節值得記下來。俄羅斯活動家弗拉基米爾·卡拉-穆爾扎(Vladimir Kara-Murza)被下過兩次毒,他的立場是:俄羅斯人會用自己的方式把民主帶給俄羅斯,不需要外人插手,但請停止給普京站臺,停止給他合法性。格拉德斯坦認為這個要求合理。

Lex 順勢講了他對"給平臺"這個說法的看法。他認為知識就是力量,只要提問夠紮實,把該問的都問了,把光打透了,就不存在"給平臺"這回事。他討厭這個提法,因為對話救人,不毀人。

格拉德斯坦在這裡劃了條界線:那是新聞業,跟倡導、跟對俄戰略是完全不同的事。他反對的是洗白。華盛頓有一批公關公司專門接獨裁者的單子,收大錢把人包裝好看,這叫 whitewashing,或者叫給豬塗口紅,再加上水軍造勢。阿薩德夫人在《Vogue》上那篇"沙漠玫瑰"就是典型。阿曼普爾採訪烏干達獨裁者穆塞韋尼那種,問題一個比一個硬,那是好東西,是可以放在 YouTube 上給人當資料庫的。

大資料分析站在哪一邊

Lex 和格拉德斯坦在 AI 上分歧明顯。

格拉德斯坦說他很難論證 AI 對人權是好事。它可能對健康有好處,可能對保護環境有好處,可能對很多科學問題有好處,要說它對公民自由有好處,他覺得很難成立。

Lex 在這裡明確表示不同意。他給出的方向是資料歸屬:AI 可以是由你擁有、由你授權的個人助理,你對自己的一切資料有完全的控制權,包括你每天經歷中所有可被學習的東西。他還提了個判斷:普通人對自己資料的掌控有巨大的需求,從商業角度看,提供這種產品的公司能賺到錢。

格拉德斯坦的回應是把話收到加密上:你說的其實就是加密,就是用數字金鑰保護你的財產。這件事對個體權利是非常強的力量,它也是比特幣的底層動力。

兩人在這裡其實沒有真正分歧,只是關注點不同。格拉德斯坦看的是當下已經發生的事:政府和大公司掌握的大資料分析,正在被用來做壓迫。Lex 看的是技術上仍然存在的可能性:把同樣的算力分散到個人手裡。

格拉德斯坦承認後者在工程上可行,他不願意把討論停在可能性上。他反覆強調的一個點是,這套東西已經在採購、在部署、在出口,早就發生了。

四本書,和一條進入比特幣的路

訪談後段,格拉德斯坦推薦了幾本書,每一本都有明確的理由。

《The Fear》,彼得·戈德溫(Peter Godwin)著。寫穆加貝如何系統性地拆解辛巴威。作者是辛巴威人,書裡既有家族史,也有大量一手採訪。格拉德斯坦說這本書讓人理解的不只是威權主義,還有惡性通脹。穆加貝在 80 年代接手的那個國家,被他一路倒推回 1920 年代的基礎設施水平、識字率、健康水平。這是本讓人心碎的書,也是極好的新聞寫作範本。

《沒有臉的人》,瑪莎·格森著。關於現代俄羅斯和普京。格拉德斯坦稱它是這個題材裡最好的一本,格森 fearless,書末還有她對普京的採訪。

《The Mandibles》,萊昂內爾·施賴弗(Lionel Shriver)著。小說。寫美國失去儲備貨幣地位後進入惡性通脹。格拉德斯坦說這本書的妙處在於人物和今天的現實能對上號。書裡的時間設在 2020 年代末,一個民粹總統宣佈美國債務違約,全世界推出一種新貨幣,所有人切換過去,美元一夜之間變成廢紙。經濟學家們一直說沒事,通脹不會是問題。其中有個經濟學家角色,到後來住在布魯克林展望公園當難民了,還在說一切正常。這本書又冷又機智,同時還寫了監控國家和權力集中。

《貨幣網際網路》,安德烈亞斯·安東諾普洛斯(Andreas Antonopoulos)著。格拉德斯坦說這是他的入門書,聽的是有聲版。這本書覆蓋面廣,從工作量證明到網路怎麼運轉都講,寫得不技術,是他兩三年間演講的合集,非常好讀,對普通人有親和力。有些內容現在看有點過時,因為是 2015、2016 年的東西。

Lex 問起《比特幣標準》,格拉德斯坦說那本不一樣,那本更偏歷史和經濟哲學。《貨幣網際網路》更適合零基礎的人邁第一步。

他專門給安東諾普洛斯說了句好話。圈內有人因為安德烈亞斯近年的某些工作對他有意見,格拉德斯坦說,安德烈亞斯是 GOAT,是他進這個圈子的原因

Lex 在旁邊感慨,看比特幣最大化者的免疫系統攻擊他本人,這個反饋機制挺有意思。格拉德斯坦笑著說,我自己大概算個最大化者,但我很喜歡安德烈亞斯,這事有細微差別的空間。

政府為什麼停不掉它

格拉德斯坦在《Quillette》上寫過一篇長文,標題大意是政府為什麼沒能禁掉比特幣。他在訪談裡把核心論點過了一遍。

已經十二年了。中本聰做出這個東西之後,各國政府試過很多次,沒成功。

那篇文章逐條拆解了可能的攻擊路徑。51% 攻擊在技術上可行嗎?先不談成本,裝置現在都不一定湊得齊,半導體短缺擺在那裡。

還有一類是 6102 式的攻擊,參照 1933 年羅斯福籤的那道行政令,當年是禁止美國人持有黃金。放到今天,就是政府和銀行聯手去收繳所有人的比特幣。比特幣社群對此有個應對,叫"私鑰日"(Proof of Keys Day),每年 1 月 3 日,也就是創世區塊上線的日子,大家把幣從交易所提回自己的錢包,練一遍當主權使用者。這等於是在為某天可能到來的 6102 預演。

最值得看的是已經發生的兩次。中國和印度,世界上人口最多的兩個國家,都試過禁止本國公民用法定貨幣兌換比特幣。結果失敗了,反而引來更多關注,這就是芭芭拉·史翠珊效應:你越是說"別碰 X",X 獲得的注意力就越多。

Lex 追問:你真的擔心這件事嗎,你說的"某天很可能來",是不是意味著有真實的憂慮?

格拉德斯坦的回答回到區塊大小戰爭。比特幣被攻擊過很多次,差點死過好幾回。他跟 Nick Carter 聊過那本書《The Block Size War》,作者 Jonathan Bier。那場衝突是生存級的,而且發生在比特幣還非常脆弱的時候。當時的對手是中國的億萬富翁群體、矽谷的公司,還有一大批掌握算力和基礎設施的人,他們合起來控制著 83% 的全網算力。他們沒能拿到自己想要的結果。

那是比特幣還比今天脆弱得多的時候,它扛住了一次由 83% 算力、矽谷企業和一整套基礎設施聯合發起的攻擊。這件事對我來說太有吸引力了。它為什麼沒被殺掉?(格拉德斯坦)

他站在哪一邊很明確:比特幣應該是自由工具,不該被當成零售支付技術。這場仗差點打輸,他很慶幸結果是現在這個結果。

火星是個沙漠,地球美得不像話

訪談末尾,Lex 把話題拉到文明尺度:核戰爭、工程化的大流行病、威權政府控制貨幣供應,哪一類更讓他擔心?他對人類成為多行星物種有沒有希望?

格拉德斯坦的回答有點出人意料。他說長期看當然要分散風險,地球是個單點故障。然後他話鋒一轉:

你看那麼多太空科幻,誰願意住在火星上?那地方就是個沙漠。地球太美了。你把它跟任何一顆系外行星比,它都壯麗、奇妙、獨一份。我們得盡一切努力把它保住。(格拉德斯坦)

Lex 用哥倫布做類比來反駁:當年歐洲人也覺得沒必要往外跑,但人類本性裡就有一小撮人瘋到願意去最危險的地方。他感激這些人,因為自己可以坐在後排喝伏特加、享受友誼,而他們去走那第一步。那一步是通往銀河的第一級臺階。千里之行始於足下,火星就是那隻腳。

格拉德斯坦承認這個,還補了個個人細節:他出生在挑戰者號爆炸前一天。回頭看那件事,它改變了整個太空探索的軌跡。他尊重推動探索的人,話又繞回來:我們知道地球有多獨特,得想辦法保護它。

關於人類會不會毀掉自己,他的回答是:不用去科幻裡找極權地獄,已經有好幾個在執行了。你去看看今天新疆、朝鮮、厄利垂亞發生的事,那就是"我們在毀掉自己",而且已經發生了。他的判斷是,如果權力完全不分散,如果所有東西都歸一個人,那生活就毀了。破壞和苦難是鄰居,不需要整個文明崩塌,只要其中很大一部分活在苦難裡,這個世界就不算好。

先搞懂什麼是錢

Lex 問,對年輕人有什麼建議,關於生活、職業,以及怎麼在一個 53% 人口處於威權統治下的世界裡做點事。

格拉德斯坦從自己的求學經歷說起。他上的是公立學校,從來沒有一門課講錢。個人理財都沒有,只有一門可選的商業課。他覺得這件事應該早點進孩子的視野:對"錢是什麼"保持好奇,不管最後走哪條路都有用。

這個好奇可以分成兩層。淺的一層是個人理財的責任,深的一層是:錢是什麼,誰在創造它,它從哪來。兩層都重要。

我的建議是,讓自己成長到能夠回答"錢是什麼"這個問題。(格拉德斯坦)

他把這件事和美國的位置連起來。不管你把當下叫美國治下的和平、叫帝國、叫超級強權,這個局面的基礎是石油美元體系:美國能讓沙特和其他產油國用美元賣油。這一點跟美國的實力不可分割,卻很少被討論。

他還講了伊拉克戰爭。2003 年他本來要當工程師,那場戰爭讓他轉去讀國際關係,一路讀到政治學、民主化,最後進了人權基金會。他說自己是 9·11 和伊拉克戰爭的孩子。

Lex 請他拆解一下,伊拉克戰爭打破了他對這個世界的什麼幻覺。

他的回答是:9·11 把全球格局從大國政治切換到伊斯蘭恐怖主義這個新威脅。後來大家才知道,很多事情是被製造、被編排出來的,伊拉克沒有大規模殺傷性武器,統治者說必須入侵併摧毀這個國家的理由是假的。這件事被遺忘了,今天二十出頭的年輕人對那個年代瞭解很少。

那是個瘋狂的時期。民主黨和共和黨,拜登、希拉里、所有共和黨人,全都支援入侵。伊恩·麥克尤恩有本小說叫《星期六》,寫 2003 年倫敦一位醫生的一天,書裡一對父子為戰爭吵個不停,父主戰,子反戰。格拉德斯坦說重讀那個年代很有價值,因為它顯示媒體可以被裹挾,去幫著推銷一場入侵。

有意思的是,他上過那麼多課、採訪過那麼多決策者,包括新保守派,那個"美元儲備貨幣"的角度從來沒被提起過。直到他接觸比特幣之後才補上這塊。今天回頭看,邏輯相當明顯:薩達姆想用歐元賣石油。順著時間線排一遍就能看出來,美國不希望石油用歐元計價,所以入侵,然後沒人再敢這麼幹。卡扎菲是同一個故事。

我們作為一個國家,非常用力地保護過我們的儲備貨幣,這麼說吧。(格拉德斯坦)

他在這裡提了個反問:我們能不能既愛國、又不要石油美元?我為自己的國家驕傲,為什麼要去扶植沙特,為什麼要威脅入侵那些想用別的貨幣賣油的國家?他認為在一個比特幣的世界裡,美國可以一樣強大,甚至更強。美國人建的基礎設施、做的創新、積累的財富都在,日子會過得更好,而且不用背那些惡劣的負外部性。

愛國主義和沙文主義之間那條線

Lex 在這裡插了一段關於愛國主義的討論。他說熱愛自己的國家、為它驕傲、那種歸屬感是很美的東西,可以來自國家,也可以來自部落、家庭。一研究歷史,斯大林、希特勒,人們就容易把愛國主義整個塗黑。他自己每次說"我愛美國",都會被當成政治表態,好像保守派更常說這句話,自由派就不說,這句話變成了一個奇怪的口號,像標語多過像表白。

格拉德斯坦的區分很清楚:愛國主義是一回事,沙文主義(jingoism)是另一回事。要待在愛國主義這一側。

他作為美國人的愛國,具體落在《權利法案》那套價值上,也落在這個制度有足夠的彈性去修改自己:建國者的原意並不是給所有人同等權利,是後來的修正做到了這一點。他為這個驕傲。他不驕傲的是沙文主義那部分,是入侵別國、轟炸別國;是監獄系統,那是這個國家的一大汙點;還有很多別的。

你可以愛國,同時批評你的國家。這很重要。真正要警惕的是沙文主義那一邊。(格拉德斯坦)

自由必須是那條引線

Lex 最後問了那個大問題:你是個有限的存在,這趟旅程很快就結束了,你會不會問自己,我們這些猿猴的後代到底為什麼這麼拼命地想把世界弄好一點?

格拉德斯坦說他不太會拉得那麼遠。日常工作本身足夠有意思,足夠讓他投入。

關於意義,他覺得比較清楚:作為一個物種,我們確實有可能造出美好的社群和結構,一起去探索這個世界,儘管這件事經常被冷硬的現實破壞。生物層面的意義是繁衍,除此之外,是追求知識、科學、創新,還有最重要的自由。

自由必須做那條引線,否則我們最後會走到集中營去。如果我們不讓自由引路,我們就會得到集中營。(格拉德斯坦)

所以他要的是這樣一條路:有科學創新,有冒險精神,有對星辰的開拓,但沒有奴役,沒有營地。

Lex 順著這個說到美。人類對不義有一種內在的感覺,前面列的那些人權,聽起來像哲學建構,又好像深深長在人裡面,不是大家隨便約定出來的幻覺。

格拉德斯坦同意一半。任意權力、酷刑、處決,這些不用讀書也知道是錯的。人也確實會被洗腦。在朝鮮長大的人不知道外面的世界,他們沒體驗過別的東西,所以不知道。這正是技術能起作用的地方:它能讓人們至少有機會自己做選擇,至少把場地鋪平。網際網路和比特幣給的是這個選項,讓你能按自己的方式、按自己的條件做事。剩下的,走一步看一步。

他補了一句:設計上要留出空間,別什麼都預先編好程式。開放網路和加密,這些東西防止社會工程,鼓勵更多自由、更多可能、更多創業、更多創造、更多科學探索。五百年前想關掉科學探索的那些人,堅持地心說的那些人,歷史上所有說科學和技術沒價值的保守宗教人士,全都錯了。所以繼續推。

把"懶"和"無知"分開

Lex 提了一個自省式的擔憂:世界上有那麼多無知,他自己知道得那麼少,人類文明知道得那麼少,這讓人害怕。

格拉德斯坦在這裡做了個區分:懶和無知不是一回事。如果他不去用網際網路,那是懶。朝鮮的某個人不是懶,他根本沒有那個選項,連上網的途徑都不存在。哲學家警告了幾百年的那種社會性懶惰,人變成羊,這是一回事;靠封鎖人口、把人擋在網際網路之外實現的洗腦和審查,是另一回事。

Lex 說他指的不只是懶,也是認知和歷史尺度上的侷限。人類這個物種太年輕,我們討論的所有激動人心的東西都發生在幾十年、幾百年的尺度上。也許今天我們做的很多事,將來會被看作倫理上的暴行,比如對動物,比如對機器人,那些可能存在的其他意識。你得有自由去探索這些想法,沒有自由,連"懶"的機會都沒有。

格拉德斯坦的收尾很實在:別當羊。有些具體的事可以做。上 Signal,加密你的訊息,把隱私拿回自己手裡。媒體不希望你這麼做,你去做。看看比特幣,你可以當自己的銀行,跟世界各地的人交易,沒人能攔住你,這能終結很多任意權力和人權侵犯。別用微信。多問,去了解新疆正在發生什麼,去了解那場種族滅絕,然後想想怎麼把社會建成再也不出現那種權力集中的樣子。每個人都能做點事。

這期播客在 2021 年 10 月釋出,錄音其實更早,Lex 說中間一度以為音訊丟了,很自責,後來找到了。這個細節讓整期對話多了一層味道:它記錄的是一批還沒有成為定局的判斷。當時他預言抵制北京冬奧不會成功,後來確實沒成。他預言政府會開始競爭性地囤比特幣,這個還沒完全兌現。他說比特幣最可能的死法是被詐騙淹沒,這個風險至今仍在。

把整期聽下來,最值得帶走的東西落在一個分析框架上:政治、資訊、貨幣,這三樣各自都在歷史上被去中心化過一次。民主把政治從一個人手裡拿走,網際網路把資訊從圖書館和國王身邊拿走,剩下貨幣這一塊,還牢牢握在一小群人手裡。格拉德斯坦的全部論證,都建立在這個未完成上。

他真正的新意在激勵機制那一層。過去做人權工作,靠的是說服有錢人關心遠方陌生人的苦難,這件事的轉化率極低,隨時會被利潤推翻。比特幣提供的是另一種可能:讓貪婪自己長出自由。這個說法聽著不舒服,甚至有點犬儒,它繞過了人性裡最難克服的那道坎。

至於這個判斷對不對,2021 年沒人能給出答案。格拉德斯坦自己也承認,如果這個專案失敗,他手裡就沒什麼希望了。這句話的分量,比任何價格預測都重。

可以立刻做的幾件事

  • 花一個下午認真回答"錢是什麼"。誰發行、誰定利率、你手裡的購買力過去十年被稀釋了多少。這個問題不通,後面所有的判斷都建在沙子上。
  • 把日常通訊遷到 Signal。先從家人的群聊開始,一個群一個群搬。政府也許能看到後設資料,看不到內容,這個差別是實質性的。
  • 搞清楚自己用交易所買幣屬於"託管",相當於銀行存款。如果想真正持有,學一次非託管錢包,比如 BlueWallet 或硬體錢包,把那 12 到 24 個單詞抄在紙上,別存在相簿裡。
  • 如果你生活在本幣不穩的地方,瞭解一下用穩定幣或比特幣儲存購買力的具體操作。別一次投入全部,先小額走通一遍流程,包括買入、轉出、再換回。
  • 買一本《The Fear》或《沒有臉的人》。理解威權體制怎麼運作,比讀十篇評論文章有用。辛巴威和俄羅斯是兩個成本最低的樣本。
  • 在社交平臺上主動辨認哪些賬號是冒充的。看到名人賬號找你私聊投資,先假設是騙局,再去找證據。
  • 對任何一群人"非常確定"的狀態保持警惕,包括你剛加入的那個群。熱情是網路效應必需的燃料,確定性不等於正確。
  • 去查一下"一帶一路"沿線的監控基礎設施出口清單,特別留意你所在地區有沒有相關的採購新聞。這事離你比想象的近。
  • 如果你是創作者,研究一下如何用閃電網路直接收聽眾的錢,把中間商這一層去掉。這條路現在還很糙,已經能跑通。
  • 找一次機會,跟一個你完全不同意的人認真聊夠一個小時。格拉德斯坦和 Lex 在這期節目裡,在 AI、在資本主義、在技術能不能對抗集權這幾件事上都各有立場,兩人從頭到尾沒吵起來,該說的都說了。這件事本身有方法論價值。
文稿來自公開 Kaggle 資料集(rajneesh231/lex-fridman-podcast-transcript),為早期自動轉錄存檔,可能存在識別錯誤。
The following is a conversation with Alex Gladstein, Chief Strategy Officer at the Human Rights Foundation and the Oslo Freedom Forum. In recent times, Alex has focused on how cryptocurrency, and especially Bitcoin, can be a tool for empowering democracy and civil liberties in the world, most crucially, parts of the world that are living under authoritarian regimes. As a side note, let me say that I have been learning a lot about the ways in which money can be used to amass power, and in the same way, the decentralization of money can be used to resist the corrupting nature of this power. Alex and I do not agree on everything, but we strive for the same betterment of humanity. He is sensitive to the suffering in the world, and is dedicating his life to finding solutions that lessen that suffering. Whether Bitcoin is one such solution, I don't know, but I think it has a chance, and that means it is worth exploring deeply. I'm staying in this path of learning, patiently, and with as little ego as possible, I hope you come along with me on this journey as well. This is the Lex Friedman Podcast, to support it, please check out our sponsors in the description. We recorded this conversation a while ago, and I thought I lost the audio, and was really disappointed with myself for messing this thing up, but luckily, last week, I found it, and so, rescued from out of the abyss of nonexistence, here's my conversation with Alex Glastain. What are some universal human rights that you believe all people should have? So free speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of belief, freedom to participate in your government, the freedom to have privacy, the freedom to own things, property rights, these are all basic, fundamental, negative rights, what we call them. These are the basic, fundamental human freedoms. What does negative rights mean? Negative rights are liberties, and positive rights are entitlements. So after World War II, when the UN came together, it was largely a compromise between the communist Soviet Union and the, you know, free United States, right? So the US had, on its side of the UN Declaration of Human Rights, a bunch of liberties, essentially, things like free speech, freedom of association, freedom of assembly. The Soviets wanted entitlements, like the right to work, the right to have housing, the right to water, the right to a vacation. So if you actually read the UN Declaration for Human Rights, it's a negotiation between the Soviets and the Americans. Later, there was another document in the 70s released called the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. And this is what HRF uses as its sort of like lodestar, its founding document. And this is like, essentially, an international agreement on the negative rights. Those are the things we choose to focus on, because essentially, authoritarian regimes can commit fraud and claim they're giving the positive rights, the entitlements, without having any of the negative liberties. And they can do that because they don't have any like free speech or press freedom. When you take people's basic fundamental freedoms away, it's quite easy to make like a Potemkin village and pretend that there's the entitlements and that we have good health care and, you know, it's the same sort of thing that authoritarians have done for decades, Cuba and Venezuela and the Soviet Union. Peter Bell. Do you think it's possible for authoritarian regimes to manipulate, to kind of lie about the negative rights as well, by saying that the people have free speech, the people have the freedom for assembly and all those kinds of things, can't you still manipulate the idea that citizenry still has those rights? The opposition leader of Malaysia, Anwar Ibrahim, he once told me the funny joke that, you know, in my country, we have freedom of speech, we don't have freedom after speech. So yeah, they can absolutely manipulate whatever they want. But I've done research into socioeconomic data. And I guess what I'm telling you is that authoritarian regimes, which make up 53% of the world's population across 95 countries, about 4.3 billion people, those who live under those regimes are subject to massive fraud when it comes to things like literacy rates, life expectancy, any sort of socioeconomic data, economic growth. They can do this because there's no free press. So for us at the Human Rights Foundation, and for people like me, we believe that the negative rights, the liberties, the things that are in, for example, the Bill of Rights in the US Constitution, these things are the table and then we can build on top of that. We can build the rest of our societies on top of that. The freest countries in the world have both the negative liberties and the entitlements like Norway, for example, but there's a big difference between Norway and North Korea. In North Korea, they only claim to have the entitlements and they definitely don't have the liberties. Do you think there's one right that's more important than others? You kind of suggested the freedom of the press, maybe freedom of speech, that if you take that away, all the other ones kind of collapse along with like from a ripple effect. Is there something fundamental that you like to focus your attention on to defend, to protect, to make sure it's there? Yeah, I think free speech is probably the most fundamental. It's probably why the founders chose to make it into the First Amendment. A lot of things are downstream from there. Property rights are also very, very important. Obviously we've seen the toll of violent redistributionism, you know, in over the last hundred years, whether it was Lenin or Stalin or Mao or other regimes and everywhere from Ethiopia to colonialists everywhere to North Korea, it's not a pretty legacy. Is free speech clear to you as a concept? There's been quite a few debates, especially in the digital age, what it means to violate freedom of speech. There's been a lot of new, like novel mechanisms for people to communicate with each other, like especially on social networks. And it seems that unclear because a lot of times those are managed by private companies. It's unclear how much protection do the citizens have to have when they're communicating. A lot of people are being censored on these social platforms. Some people, even presidents get removed from those social platforms. Have you thought about the freedom of speech in the United States, but in the world? As it's implemented in the 21st century, given the internet and all those kinds of things? There is a Soviet dissident named Natan Sharansky who survived the regime and he wrote a book in which his thesis was essentially the way that you can define a free society is through something called the town square test. Can you go to a public space where you live and criticize your ruler loudly without fear of retribution? If you can do that, you have free speech. I think that's a pretty good litmus test. Most people in this world cannot do that. If you live in Havana, if you live in Moscow, if you live in Beijing, you cannot do that. And that's not a free society. In Austin, Texas, in Boston, Massachusetts, in London, in Santiago, Chile, in Tokyo, Japan, in many democracies, you can do that. And I think that that's a really helpful basic sort of litmus test. Does the content of the criticism matter? Can it be complete lies, meaning conspiracy theories that involve claiming that the leader is, let's say, a lizard slash pedophile slash, you know, I'm not saying that those are lies, look into it, but they're very unlikely phenomena. So like, does that matter? I think it ends poorly when the state tries to restrict speech. I think that's kind of how I would define censorship. I think censorship and deplatforming are two different things. Private companies, you know, they get to make up their own rules about what's allowed on their platforms. And I think that's very different from a government with guns and an army restricting the speech of its citizens with threats of violence. These things are different for me. That violence is a fundamental difference. I don't know, I've gotten the chance to have dinner with Alex Jones and I've talked to him a few times offline and it does, I understand why people are so off put by him, but it does bother me that he's universally removed from every platform. It feels like there's many more evil people, bad people compared to Alex Jones who still are given a voice on these platforms. And so I'm uncomfortable with the universality of the application of the censorship by these platforms. But on the flip side, you're right. There's not a violence, there's not tanks, there's not guns behind that censorship. Yeah. It's a bit of a generalization, but Alex Jones would be in prison or dead if he were in North Korea or in Cuba or in Russia or in China, that the authorities would not tolerate him to do what he did. And here he can kind of do what he wants. He's encountering some resistance in the marketplace of ideas, large organizations, corporations, and a lot of public sentiment in different parts of our country don't like him. They're doing their best to drown out his voice, but that's very different from a violent threat of censorship from the state. And that's what we study. That's what I study are these, you know, what is the state doing? That's kind of paramount for me. Yeah. And that's true because in the marketplace of ideas, there could be a company that springs up that gives Alex Jones a platform and the United States is not going to prevent those companies from functioning. Of course, there's from a technology perspective, there is AWS removing Parler from the platform and gets a little weird, you know, as you get closer and closer to the computer infrastructure, because then you get closer and closer to the state, actually, the more you get to the infrastructure that's usually managed by the state, the closer it gets to then the control of the state. I would argue AWS is pretty damn close to infrastructure that's kind of controlled by the state. If you especially look at other nations, China, Russia, there's, I don't know who runs the computer infrastructure for Russia and China, but I bet the state has complete oversight over that. And so that level of computer infrastructure, having control about which social networks can and cannot operate is very uncomfortable to me. But you're right, I think it's good to focus on the obvious violations of these principles as opposed to the gray areas. Of course, the gray areas are fascinating. You mentioned HRF, Human Rights Foundation. What is it? What is its mission? Yes, I've been working for HRF since 2007. We are a charity, a nonprofit, a 501c3 based in New York, and our mission is to promote and protect individual rights and freedoms in authoritarian societies around the world. So again, we define about 95 countries as authoritarian, meaning it's either a one party state or opposition politicians are outlawed or persecuted, there's no real free speech, there's no press freedom, there's no independent judiciary, there really aren't checks and balances and even trying to create like a human rights organization or like an environmental group would be illegal. And the majority of the world's population lives in that environment. That's very important. You said 53%. 53%, 4.3 billion people. And I saw you outlined a lot of different sources of suffering in the world. And then you sort of put people living under authoritarian governments as like more than all of them. I forget all the examples you provided, but then... Sure. I mean, it's... Yeah, maybe you can mention if you remember. The number of people who are refugees, the number of people who suffer from natural disasters, the number of people who live under abject poverty, the number of people who don't have access to clean drinking water, all of these are dwarfed by the number of people who live under authoritarianism. And yet it's not something that we talk about a lot because people are mercantilist and the powers that be are happy to sacrifice freedoms and privacy for money. We live in a profit seeking world. To get evidence of this, take a look at the list of sponsors of the upcoming Olympics in China where the CCP is currently committing genocide against the weaker population or look at the number of people and the famous investors who went to Saudi Arabia a couple months ago for the Davos in the desert. I mean, Ray Dalio was there, all kinds of people were there, or at least they were invited and they said they were gonna go. And this is a government that at the time was torturing a female activist who just wanted to drive a car. This is a government that had murdered Jamal Khashoggi in a brutal fashion just a couple years earlier. So, I mean, at the end of the day when it comes down to brass tacks, I mean, the powers that be, even the free countries are led by people who are very, very happy to sacrifice all these pretty words about human rights when it comes down to profits, unfortunately. So, do you think capitalism, that's maybe one of the flaws of capitalism is it turns a blind eye to injustices against human nature, against the human rights, like it turns a blind eye to authoritarian governments? Look, I think that at the end of the day, like free trade is actually really good. And you can just look at France and Germany as an example of how like a capitalist structure would develop. If you have two capitalist actors, they're very unlikely to fight each other. There's very unlikely to be violence, right? These are two countries which basically murdered some large percentage of each other's male population three times in a hundred years in three different wars, right? And now today, war is like unthinkable and a lot of that is because of increased collaboration, increased trade. So, when you have two capitalist actors, they act in a very productive way with each other. But as soon as you introduce an authoritarian actor, all bets are off. So, I think what you have is a conflict between capitalist actors and authoritarian actors. And at the end of the day, people need to, yes, have more than just capitalist intentions in the geopolitical level I'm talking about, they need to actually take a stand for principles. Otherwise, you have athletes and businesses and governments that are all too happy to do business with the Chinese Communist Party, for example, right now. I think that there is a little more than just kind of the pure profit, yes. You mentioned what are the signs that the state is an authoritarian state. How do you know if you're living in an authoritarian state or when you study another nation and analyze the behavior of another nation, how do you know that's an authoritarian state? Is it as simple as them having a dictator? Is it as simple as them as declaring that they don't have a democracy or is there something more subtle? There's a couple of good litmus tests. One is actually, can you have a gay pride parade? It actually lines up perfectly, it doesn't matter what religion the dictatorship is. They don't like minorities and they love to scapegoat, whether it's gays or religious minorities, etc. So it lines up pretty well. That's really interesting. If you cannot have a gay pride parade in your country, because you're fearful that you're going to get the crap kicked out of you, probably live in an authoritarian regime. I'm sure that's not just about some kind of homophobia. Why is that? That's really interesting. Because that's right. I'm going through... Fascism scapegoats minorities. There's an other, you create an other group and then you... Yeah, I mean Uganda is a great example of this, but so is Saudi Arabia, so is China. I mean, so is Cuba. I mean, these are all regimes which demonize the LGBT communities. It's interesting because maybe you can correct me, but from my very distant outside of perspective, the sort of the way that certain authoritarian governments speak about gay people is it's almost like, what is it? We don't have gay people in our country kind of idea as opposed to scapegoating, which is like... Total denial is the most powerful form of demonization. I mean, this is what the Iranian dictatorship does. A few years ago when Ahmadinejad, who was then sort of the de facto leader, he came to Columbia University and he tried to give a speech, which you can look up and he tried to claim that there were no gays in Iran. And that's the most powerful form of demonization is trying to just wipe out your utter existence. There's other good litmus tests too. For example, you can think about comedy. Can you make money making fun of your government on television? If you cannot, you live in a dictatorship most likely. I mean, it's shocking to people that I work with who live in dictatorships when I tell them that not only are comedians able to safely make fun of our government, but they get paid very well to do so. That's a hallmark of our free society. That's another good litmus test. Hear that Tim Dylan, you should go to North Korea, check it out. Yeah. And look, there are tons of flaws with democracies. This is a really good test by the way. The United States is a deeply flawed country in many ways. Our prison system is a disaster. There's a horrible war on drugs. We committed a grievous crime in my opinion by invading Iraq. We did a lot of problematic things, but our core architecture is still an open society. The people who criticize the US the most usually live within it. And if they were to move to a different country and try to use that criticism against their new rulers, they wouldn't fare so well. So whether it's Chomsky or whomever, if they were to go to Cuba and live in Cuba and try to criticize Cuba like they do America, it wouldn't last very long. So I think what's important to distinguish between open societies and closed ones or like free societies and authoritarian regimes, it doesn't mean that your government's going to be good all the time. What it means is that the citizens have a way to push for reform, have a way to hold the rulers accountable. So even if you don't like what the US government does, whether it was under Biden or Trump or Obama or Bush, we can rotate them through voting. And we have an independent Supreme Court that rotates over time. And we have people that we can elect directly to serve our interests. And then there's like a free press and there's lobbyists and all kinds of people that jostle for power. So there's a separation of powers. And I like to think about a free society really as like at the bottom of the foundation of the pyramid really would be free speech. And then you would have civil society, like for example, human rights organizations, environmental groups, stamp collectors, athletes, any groups that come together beyond the government's sort of strict instruction. is minted outside of the control of the US Federal Reserve, right? It would be a Euro dollar. So stable coins are kind of like Euro dollars just minted by private actors in a way, right? But they're still tied to the dollar. They're pegged to the dollar. They're not escaping the system. Escaping the system is Bitcoin. We aren't reliant on the dollar. We have our own, you know, full store value, medium of exchange, unit of account eventually. And you know, the Bitcoin world will be denominated in different terms. And I think everyone, everything else will be tied to it. I really do. It does feel currently like Bitcoin is like, like pirates or something like that. And there's still like the central banks that are like the main navies of the, of the different nations. Yeah. It's just this, if you talk about scale. So there's going to be a moment if Bitcoin continues to grow in its impact, when governments are going to seriously contend with, you know, what do we do with this? Do you think about those moments? Is Bitcoin, is the cryptocurrency world in general going to be able to withstand the serious legal pushback from countries, from nations, especially authoritarian nations? Yeah. It's been interesting. It's been 12 years, okay? More than 12 years since Satoshi Nakamoto created Bitcoin and they haven't been able to stop it. They have tried. They have tried a lot. I wrote a long essay for Quillette on this, like, like why haven't governments been able to stop Bitcoin? And my thesis is essentially that there's been like this mix of different kinds of technical, social and economic and political incentives and disincentives that make it very difficult. And I think to me, the best way to think about it is that Bitcoin is like a Trojan horse. So just to actually tell that story just a little bit, because I think it's important to understand the classical mythology tale, I find this very interesting. Of the actual Trojan horse? Of the actual Trojan horse. Yeah. Which was told in the Aeneid actually by Virgil, right? And the idea was the Greeks had been like trying to take the city of Troy for like a decade at these like impregnable walls and they couldn't do it. And Ulysses and the rest of the Greek army were like, we don't know what to do. So Minerva, the god of strategy and war, you know, kind of like they get this idea from her, I guess, to actually try to use subterfuge and trickery to take over the city. So the idea is to, and this was sort of hatched by Ulysses, right? To put this horse together that would kind of be like a gift. So the idea was the Greeks just like pretended to leave, right? They deserted. They left behind one soldier and this horse and the Trojans looked at it and they were like, what's going on here? And they brought in the soldier and the soldier's like, look, they left. They're so sorry for all of the desecration and blood spill. This is their gift to you. It's, you know, honoring Minerva, you know, it's like this like, you know, trophy for you guys. And there were actually people inside Troy, Cassandra, a prophet, as well as Laocoon, who was like a priest who said, no, no, no, this is obviously a trick. This is obviously a trick. But they were like dispatched and ignored because the horse was like, it was just like so bad ass. So the Trojans were like, I'm bringing it in the city. So they brought it in themselves. No blood spilled at all. Right. In the middle of the night, of course, what you realize is the horse was packed with Greek soldiers and they come out and they let the army in, which was like hiding behind an island. So this idea that like something could be so attractive that you really can't say no, even if you know what's inside of it, is at play in Bitcoin. So like in Bitcoin has this number go up technology, right? It is what we call it in sort of shorthand NGO, NGU, right? But what people don't realize is that NGU is like the Trojan horse. Inside the Trojan horse is FGU, Freedom Go Up technology. So dictators and rogue regimes and corporations are going to buy, mine, tax, accumulate this thing because it's the best performing financial asset in the world. What they don't realize or they're going to have to ignore is that they're also aiding and abetting this freedom technology, which allows individuals to be sovereign and eventually erodes their power. There's no question that rogue regimes and bad actors have already used and will continue to use Bitcoin. The thing is when you think about a North Korea or a Venezuela and that government instructs some of its bureaucrats and cronies and officials to start stealing Bitcoin or accumulating it or whatever for short term gain to get around sanctions and use it to buy dollars or something like that, right? Which they can't get normally. Well, guess what? All those people who the regime has instructed to like figure this thing out and use it, they're all going to realize, oh my God, this is money the government doesn't control. And it's going to spread like a virus. Okay? So this is like the idea of the Trojan horse allegory, why I think it's so important and powerful with Bitcoin. All the people talking about Bitcoin today on TV, they don't care about freedom and privacy. They just care about number go up. But what they don't realize is what's concealed within. And that's very, very powerful to me. So the people talking about Bitcoin on TV are maybe investor types. Yeah, professional investors, corporations and soon governments. I mean, you just had today this morning on CNBC, the leader of the Republican leader of the House of Representatives, a congressman saying, like, we need to be pro Bitcoin as a country. And the other day, Peter Thiel had a very interesting comment where he was basically like, let's not fall behind China in this race. So you have influential people in our government, like sort of posturing for this, like, you know, Bitcoin race that's going to happen in the next 10 years. You're going to see this. You're going to compete to stack Bitcoin. Absolutely. So you believe the the thing that's shiny and sexy, like the Trojan horse, the number go up. It's too hard to ignore. And for it to do to define that a little further as meaning it does seem like the more people get excited and start using Bitcoin, the more its value grows. So it's just a good feedback loop. Yeah, it's a feedback loop. And then the reason you're excited about it, especially is that F.G. Freedom go up. Freedom go up, which is it ultimately gives power to the individuals to so decentralize the entire system. Yeah, I mean, like when Tesla stacks Bitcoin, they're just doing that as self interest. They think it's going to be a good inflation hedge. Fine. But what they maybe don't care about, don't realize or they don't need to care. I mean, Bitcoin's power is it like co ops people into promoting a freedom tool, even if they don't care about or even if they hate freedom, doesn't matter. So when Tesla stacks Bitcoin and the price goes up and more interest goes up and more people around the world are like, wow, Bitcoin, then more people get involved again. More adoption, more price, more developers, better user interface, more privacy tools, more mining, more network security. It's just this like positive feedback loop that continues to grow and it will grow intensely in the next decade as we go through the adoption cycle. And the reason why I'm so excited about this is the human rights world, again, to get back to our previous conversation, is very hard to find people who have, you know, the empathy or the altruism to actually make a difference abroad in places like China or Saudi Arabia or North Korea. People are very quick to just like, they'll just quickly toss off the pretty words that they care about human rights as soon as profits come into play. So there's no alignment of incentives, right? The reason why Bitcoin is so powerful is that it aligns the incentives. All of a sudden, they can be as greedy as they want. They are being forced to promote a freedom tool. This I've never seen before and it makes me, it gives me a lot of like excitement. It's very refreshing because we've been laboring in the human rights space, you have to like raise money and it's all like nonprofit work and you're like begging for people to make a difference for you. Here you have this like incredible asset which people will accumulate out of self preservation, self interest and greed, and yet it will strengthen the power of the individual. That is what we need to fight, big brother. That's what we need to fight, like what I'm scared is happening in China, like this growing authoritarian state which is powered by big data analysis. This is our way to fight back and it runs on this like really interesting engine again that like takes advantage of our base nature as humans and I know that it sounds terrible for me to say this, but I mean, ultimately we are self interested and it is hard to get people to care about others living a thousand miles away. We are kind of localized in our empathy. Being as someone who works to help people who live in like a hundred different countries, it's very difficult to get Americans to care about what's happening in Belarus or in Kashmir. It just is. But guess what? They're going to definitely care about Bitcoin because they want to see their net worth go up, they want to do better for their family, et cetera. They're going to get into this thing and it's really going to like make that powerful tool for everyone else who's using it. So this interplay dynamic is fascinating to me. Yeah, I have to, I'm somebody who doesn't like the corrupting effects of greed, but it is also human nature. Yeah, I don't like it either, but we have to be realists. You have to acknowledge it and then maybe use it for your advantage. And it's not just Bitcoin itself. Like exchanges today are adopting something called lightning network, which is a way to scale Bitcoin on a second layer. Much like we had gold bars, which we scaled with paper money and then we had visa credit cards, which were a way of scaling the paper notes, Bitcoin scales through lightning network. It's a private instant globally final settlement network. It's something you all should check out. It's very, very interesting. The exchanges aren't adopting lightning for its privacy benefits. Like lightning operates off the chain, meaning surveillance companies can't see, they can't do chain analysis on lightning because it's on an onion routed second layer kind of that works kind of like the Tor project. The exchanges don't care about privacy. They're doing it because it reduces fees. Lightning is cheaper and faster. So again, we have this really interesting alignment of incentives where like the freedom tech is being promoted by people who don't, I don't, it doesn't matter what their incentives are. I could care less if they were altruistic or not. And I think this is, and you're going to maybe see this even in the future. There's more things coming in Bitcoin down the pike. Lightning was enabled by an upgrade called Segwit, right? Which took place a few years ago, which was the culmination of the block size conflict. There's another thing coming up called cross input signature aggregation, which may, if it takes effect in the next few years, it may compel exchanges to collaboratively spend all their Bitcoin together in a way that really protects our privacy and fights surveillance. But they're not going to do it for moral reasons. They're going to do it because it's going to save them money and improve their bottom line. Can you speak to that kind of collaborative so that you can have multiple parties in a single transaction kind of thing? Yeah. Like you could do that today. Absolutely. It's called the CoinJoin, for example. But right now it's more expensive to CoinJoin in Bitcoin. You have to pay a premium for your privacy. This would flip that on its head and would basically say, if you have one transaction, hey, pile them all in, have as many parties as you want. The more parties you get in, the cheaper it's going to be per party. And that's not possible in Bitcoin today, but it might be in the future. But again, the beauty in Bitcoin are these ways that it just aligns human incentives and it aligns our most base desires and needs and realities with freedom and privacy. That I've never seen before. And that's why I think it's so interesting. So somebody like Eric Weinstein actually spoke to this, the idea of blockchain in general. From a 10,000 foot view, the blockchain is a centralized place to keep the record of everything that ever happened and does that concern you from a privacy perspective, from a control perspective, even though it's managed, especially given the low frequency of transaction for Bitcoin, you can have a lot of small computers across the globe contain the entirety set of transactions, all of those kinds of features. Does that concern you that there's one place where everything is made public in terms of everything that ever happened? No. And I'll give you two reasons. Number one, the Bitcoin blockchain is ultimately a settlement layer. It's kind of like something like Fedwire in the United States. It's a way for like institutions to settle with each other. That's what I think it's going to be like in 20, 30 years from now. The average person is never going to touch the Bitcoin blockchain probably. They're going to use things like lightning or unfortunately, they may use Bitcoin banks, but they'll either use custodians or they'll use second layer noncustodial solutions to interact. The main chain is going to get very expensive. It's going to be hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of dollars or even more if the dollar starts to weaken to make a transaction on the main chain. And that will be reserved for like very large transactions or transactions that need final final settlement, et cetera, et cetera. And I think that that's fine and that's okay. And it's very important that that ledger, that settlement layer be kept by thousands of people around the world. The Bitcoin blockchain is not centralized. It is decentralized. It is run by people like me who run a node at home. I run a personal server. I run the Bitcoin blockchain, no one else. You run it. That person runs it. There's no one in charge. Well, you have a full node? Yeah. I run a full node. It's great. That's great, man. You run it and that way you can be sovereign over all of your usage, right? And you can run it on a Raspberry Pi with less than 150 bucks of equipment. And that's so important because again, there is no Amazon web service vulnerability here. That is a problem. And I agree with you. We're trending in a bad direction. We're like, the government could just turn off a big important website or a news source. Well, they can't turn off Bitcoin because it doesn't live on AWS, it lives with us. We are Bitcoin. And I think that that's very, very powerful. And then you can have something like a lightning network where you can escape some of the constraints of the blockchain, depending on your needs of the privacy and all those kinds of things. Everything's an engineering trade off, but yeah, you can trade off some of the assurances of the base layer to go into lightning, for example, and there you can get more speed and more privacy. And the things that Bitcoin lacks, speed and privacy, for example, you can get on these second layers. So there's all kinds of cool engineering things that people are coming up with. But I also want to say anyone who says the blockchain, like that's a red flag for that person doesn't really know what they're talking about. Like Satoshi didn't use the blockchain in the white paper. Blockchain was a marketing term that people came up with later to try and do this thing that was kind of like it peaked in 2015 and it continues to be an issue today of it's blockchain not Bitcoin. And that was like a very corporate kind of social attack on Bitcoin to say we could take this ledger part of this radical thing that's for criminals and all these bad people, but we could take one part of it out and we could bring it over here and we could make it safe for everybody. The real McCoy's Bitcoin, I mean, Satoshi referred to it as the time chain. I mean, really what they're talking about is just these blocks that are connected chronologically of transactions. It's really not that exciting. The exciting part of Bitcoin is the proof of work where the transaction processing is done by mining and by energy and by real world expenditures instead of like, you know, some central ledger. And you know, when you remove the blockchain from Bitcoin, it's not very, to me, it's just not that interesting. I don't know, to me, blockchain or time chain, whatever, as it philosophically is a pretty beautiful idea. I mean, it's pretty simple, but it's nevertheless as beautiful from a big database person. It's an interesting way to store information that, especially that's totally publicly accessible. It's I know that to Bitcoin proof of work is the fundamental idea, but to cryptocurrency and digital money in general and to money, the blockchain is a really interesting idea to me. The way I think about it is it's kind of, you know, physics. And I like that there's a place that you can rely on that's very difficult to mess with. What it's not though, like it's outside of maybe Ethereum. Every other blockchain is easy to mess with. So you're saying that proof of work is what makes it hard to mess with. Absolutely. Proof of work is the key. Right. And Ethereum is about to leave proof of work. So it's about to go to proof of stake, which is literally the existing system where a small group of people get to decide the monetary policy. Yeah. Reputation has a lot of value there and that you could be, it could be manipulated. I may sound brutal, but I'm coming at it from a political science perspective. For me, it's all about freedom versus dictatorship. And that's why I find it so compelling that regardless of how much power or might or how many armies you have, you can't change the rules of Bitcoin. If you're wrong about Bitcoin, what would that look like? What kind of thing that in 10, 20 years that you, you're not wrong. Right. It doesn't pan out. It doesn't pan out, but other things that actually make you feel good about all the hard work you've done do pan out, something you haven't expected. What might that be? Well, as we've talked about, my career started in human rights and in promoting individual freedom and fighting authoritarianism. That fight will continue on no matter what happens with Bitcoin. I think it would be a massive failure and a tragedy if this project like didn't work. The Bitcoin project. Yes. If the Bitcoin project didn't work, we would, it would, honestly, it's one of the only things that gives me hope because it is an effective way to push back against the creeping centralized control. If for whatever reason, and I can't really see, one of the reasons I'm so into it is I can't really see how it's not going to work. Again, I think the Trojan horse allegory is too powerful. These big centralized actors are going to be too greedy and they're going to want some as opposed to banning it. It's way easier for them to buy it than to ban it. I think that's just what's going to happen. But if, but if whatever, for whatever reason it failed, I would have very little hope left because really, I mean, the Chinese model of like centralizing all of your data and controlling it, I mean, ultimately is, is a very, very powerful sort of like arch force. And I would be concerned that that would be all of our, of our sort of destiny. I do have to sort of push back at a style of communication and you, you're not doing it today. You're doing, you're being exceptionally eloquent and arguing these ideas. But me, especially just from studying history and being very skeptical from growing up in the Soviet Union, I'm very skeptical and cautious when I see a community of people being very sure of an idea. Doesn't matter what that idea is. And there's a huge amount of certainty around Bitcoin. Part of it is an important feature because you, it's number go up. So far. Number go up is a really important part of the mechanism to make sure that it, it grows in impact, network effects, because I mean, it's really important to get excited about idea for take hold, that's the way human nature works and so on. But I also get, even something that you mentioned that, you know, others may not, you know, if you mentioned blockchain, you're sensitive to the attacks that have been, that have been mounted or the word blockchain have been used. People have been fooled. I mean, like people in the humanitarian sector have been fooled into thinking that some centralized blockchain project is going to help some refugee all collapsed. There's a huge, it makes me sad that there's a huge number of scams. Like you know what makes me really sad and just a tiny little tangent. There's been recently, I guess with the growing platform or something, there's been a bunch of fake Lex Friedman accounts. Yeah. And have a million, but not only do they do stupid stuff, but they've been messaging people like on LinkedIn and people write to me and they're saying like, I think it gets people. I think they click on stuff. I think they were not sure. And it makes me think like, people are gullible or not gullible, but like, they're just like I am, which is they're like hopeful about the world. They're optimistic about the world, naive about the evil that's out there. This is what goes wrong with Bitcoin. And I've seen it. People fall for these like, I mean, like in these different countries, I'm trying to like talk to different people about Bitcoin and like the amount of like MLM schemes, pyramid schemes, Ponzi schemes, there are just so many of them. And there's plenty here too. But like in Zimbabwe, I was talking to this guy who is a reporter who studies the effects like the foreign currency exchange markets. He's just saying one of the main reasons people don't want to get into Bitcoin is because they've been scammed so hard by all these other things. So I would say that that's one way it could go wrong is that like people just continue to be like afraid of it because of things that are like that in the past. So that not, it's not just the volatility, it's just the, you know, yeah, having like If you think it's a pyramid scheme, you're not going to want to get involved. And in some sense, if I were to speak to the Bitcoin Maximus community is to maybe ease up on the certainty because that gives me the signal that it's a scam, to be honest. So whenever somebody, whenever there's a lot of people being cultishly excited about something, I start being very skeptical. It's like, you know, I used to like Green Day before they became really popular. And then the moment they became really popular, I'm like, I don't know, he started wearing mascara and I was like, I don't like him anymore. So I'm very skeptical about evangelists of an idea because I think Bitcoin on its own is just a powerful idea that stands. But I also understand that in a world of a lot of competing ideas where there's a lot of scams and a lot of money to be made through those scams that you have to be, that you have to be innovative in the kind of mechanisms you use to break through the scam, the ocean of scams. I took this personality test and I'm a 99 skepticism. So I was first, sadly, cause I was first introduced to Bitcoin in 2013 and I was like, ah, whatever. And it took me four years to actually get into it, to go down the rabbit hole. I didn't really start to grasp it and start getting excited about it until 2017. So I was regrettably very, very skeptical for a long time. And I just thought it was like, whatever. So I appreciate that. And you should be skeptical. But ultimately you got to believe in things like I believe in democracy, I believe it's good for people. I believe it's better than tyranny. I believe in the internet. I know that we've had issues with centralization of the internet, but I still believe it's better to be connected than to have bridges between us. And I believe in Bitcoin. And to me, it's like a very similar progressive force that we're encountering. But yeah, be skeptical, nothing will befall you. That's bad if you're like cautious and skeptical. That's like a good mentality to have. One thing we haven't talked about all the violations of the human rights that authoritarian regimes do. There's a, not a positive, but there is a, you mentioned that nationalism is a drug. There's something beautiful about loving your country, having pride in your country, loving the, there's a feeling of belonging. It could be country, it could be tribe, it could be family. That's really powerful. And that speaks to human nature as well. And that can sometimes overpower everything else. Patriotism, and you know, sometimes it can be seen when you study history, when you look at Stalinist, the Soviet Union, or you can even look at Hitler and Nazi Germany, we tend to paint patriotism in a negative light. And then maybe when we look at the United States, but even here in the United States, people often paint patriotism in a bad light, you know, every time I say I love America, also as an immigrant, I love this country. It's funny how that's taken as a political statement that, you know, people, I guess on the right has been, have been more active in saying that they love the country and people on the left have not sort of, it's almost become a weird slogan as opposed to a statement of just love. And I understand that patriotism can be a slippery slope into letting your government, I mean, it's exactly what you're saying, the value of freedom of speech is you hold your government to account for all the ways they mess up. I mean, look, you have patriotism and then you have jingoism, right? It's very important that we stay on the patriotic side. Like as an American, I'm very patriotic in terms of, I love the values that this country was founded on if you read the Bill of Rights. And I love the fact that it was just flexible enough that we were able to change it to grant, or at least to try to grant all people the same rights. It was not the original plan of the founders, right? It had to be changed. But since then we've remained, those laws have remained and they're very good. And I'm very proud of that. What I'm not proud of is the jingoistic part of our country where we invade other countries and bomb other countries. I'm not proud of our prison system. I think it's a huge stain on our nation. I'm not proud of a lot of things. So I think you can be patriotic, but you can be critical of your country. And that's important, I feel like the jingoistic thing is the thing that we need to watch out for. That's just my own personal take. Out of all the projects that the Human Rights Foundation works on, what's the most important one to you right now? Like what that's been occupying your mind? Yeah, I just read again this New Yorker piece that just came out that you should read. It's called Ghost Walls. And it's the story of how the Chinese Communist Party is committing genocide right now, just like other regimes did and the Turks did to the Armenians and the Nazis did to the Jews. And it's happening again right now. We said never again, and you know, that's just not true. We're letting it happen. And again, with the business stuff, like Airbnb is like a sponsor of the Olympics, like what? At the individual level, at a business level, how does somebody like me, who's just one little ant, how does somebody like Elon Musk, who is in charge of 10,000 ants, fight it? How do we push back? A great blueprint is the fight against the South African apartheid. So we did a few events down in Johannesburg, and I've had the pleasure of being able to go to the apartheid museum several times. And it really does a good job of chronicling how they were able to do it. It took a while, there's no doubt, but the way it was done was good. Peaceful action from abroad was very important. So there was like the Sullivan principles. So like you can peacefully protest as a company, particular regimes, and it's very effective. And not just corporations, but like the Olympics is a great example. Like Chinese government should not be able to host the Olympics. The IOC should say no, not until you close down those prison camps. This is a perfect, peaceful way to push back. No one gets hurt. Same thing when we had the Korean Olympics a few years ago, North Korea should not have been allowed any sort of symbolistic kind of hosting rights there. They have prison camps, gulags that we can see from outer space very clearly. And their regime is the cruelest one on the planet probably. Why were they able to sit and cheer and get to sort of cohost the Olympics? This is spineless. Like the IOC, the Olympics, and major corporations should stand up, especially in the cultural sector where you don't lose anything, or you shouldn't have to lose anything. So I think if we look at the way that we forced the apartheid regime out, this international solidarity of musicians, athletes, performers, celebrities is very, very powerful. Unfortunately, today's celebrities are doing the opposite. We just had this press release go out yesterday about ACON, and he's off whitewashing the crimes of the dictator of Uganda and trying to build a future city there with him. If this was the 1980s, ACON would be raising his fist and saying, we need to fight the apartheid regime. How do we get back to that? We need to think about that. We have to figure out how to harness celebrities, influencers, and companies and get them to actually stand up for something for once. I mean, that's something we've lost. We've really had a spine against that, and we've lost it. And you lose things. You lose them forever. Look at Tibet. Tibet was a big cause for people in the 90s. You used to go to colleges and kids would have the Tibetan flags all over the dorm rooms. Go ahead, we'd have Tibet on the stage, and everybody wanted to, you know, free Tibet was a big thing. Well, guess what? Like, we lost it for some reason. It's not a thing anymore, and Tibet has been totally colonized, you know? So I think it's important that we find a way to unlock an interest in the celebrity classes among athletes, singers, presidents. You know, we need to find a way to punish these people. Yeah, it's surprising because we've become more and more connected so we can communicate more effectively at a large scale, and yet we seem to be worse and worse at real activism. It seems like the outrage that's overtaken the communication channels has been very US focused and often more about outrage and less about productive activism. I'm very jaded. I mean, it's very difficult to do these things at scale effectively. I do not believe we will be successful in boycotting the Chinese Olympics. We weren't in 2008. I don't think, and they're much more evil now, and I don't think we're going to be able to do it this time. And again, to go back to the Bitcoin piece, that's why I'm like very interested in this thing because it doesn't require my altruism. It doesn't require some famous singer or some corporation to sacrifice anything. They're literally just going to follow their own profits, seeking self interested motives, and they're going to end up making a stronger human rights tool for other people. Freedom go up. FGU, man. Do you think we're, it's kind of a dark question, but do you think we're headed towards a war with China, the United States versus China? I hope not. I hope not. In the cyberspace and potentially even a hot war. I think there's too many people with too much money to be lost to go to a hot war on both sides, but eventually we're just going to, someone's going to have to stand up. I mean, the subjugation of Hong Kong and the genocide of the Uyghurs and the colonization of Tibet. I mean, Taiwan is the next big thing. I mean, Xi Jinping has made it very clear, you know, Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan. So we're going to have to stand up for Taiwan for different reasons, both for moral reasons, but also for semiconductor reasons. We need TSMC to be on our side, not have China take over TSMC. So there's different reasons why we're going to have to protect Taiwan. And you just hope it's not a hot war. I mean, at this point, well, but also from inside the governments of China and Russia as well, but China I guess is the powerhouse here, is how do these governments get reformed? Is there a hope for them to become democracies, like true democracies, representative democracies and sort of reform them to be ethical players on the world stage? No empire lasts forever. And it's impossible to predict when these regimes fall. I mean, no one thought the Soviet Union was going to fall when it fell. Like that, like if you study like the news and the scholarship of the era, no one knew that the Tunisian government was going to fall after Mohammed Bouazizi lit himself on fire. No one predicted that that would become what we now know as the Arab Spring, right? These things are impossible to predict. And one day the Chinese regime will fall. I just, we don't know when. Yes. You know, but, and there's quite a few folks who talk about the fall of the American empire. And it also concerns me that we don't know when that might fall. You assume me as a very excited, naive American, I'm very excited by this project that I think is the beacon of hope in the world still, but that's probably how you feel before it's the end. Yeah, the party, you want to leave the party before it starts to deteriorate. I think America could continue to have like a major, major leadership role for a long, long time. I think certain things we do will become maybe no longer possible in terms of the way we intimidate people on the world stage and especially the way we use our currency as a weapon. I think that that's going to decline over time as we become more of a multipolar world. But I do still believe in America and the values that were founded on despite all the warts. I believe in us and I would prefer us absolutely to be the most prominent of the multipolar world vis a vis a regime like Russia or China. Absolutely. There's no question. So we've been talking about states and nations, but can we just briefly talk about Facebook and Twitter and companies that have a huge impact on the world as well. And actually one of the things that make America a great nation is it is the place from which these great companies have sprung up. Is there, from a human rights perspective, is there something that bothers you about Facebook about these large companies? Is there something we need to fix? Something we need to be upset about, fight back on, reform, do some sort of real activism about? I'm very concerned about social media platforms and companies. It almost feels like we're losing the golden age of the internet. You know, we could like go online and interact with each other and share and not be worried about censorship. It feels like that was a golden age, like in the late nineties, the two thousands, and now everything is becoming very politicized. And I'm not sure that there's a solution. Like I don't think there's a button we can press to fix it. I'm kind of afraid that this is sort of just what happens when societies digitize. Like I think that certain opinions just become demonized in the room and then the social room that we have on the internet. And I don't know if there's a magical solution there. I do know that there's technological solutions that will allow us to continue to communicate and for creators to reach their audiences without censorship. And that's very exciting. Like right now you could be deplatformed from your, you know, from like whether it's Patreon or YouTube or whatever, and your bank account can be closed down, right? There are emerging ways that Adam Curry, like the Podfather and a bunch of other people are experimenting with, where you can essentially have your audio podcast across a whole bunch of different, you know, platforms. So you know, it's censorship resistant, and then your audience can pay you over lightning in streaming money. Like they can stream you money as they listen. So you're removing the whole advertising piece. You don't need to do advertising anymore. You have this direct relationship with your audience. And this is possible with something like lightning where you can do streaming money that's censorship resistant. And a lot of the people who are building a lightning network, for example, Elizabeth Stark who, you know, started Lightning Labs and has done within her company that people that work with her have built a huge part of the lightning infrastructure, you know, what animates her is this idea of like, again, artists and creators being able to have that direct ability to reach out and have that peer to peer relationship with their audience. And I'm excited for that. And I do think that's coming, but I am very worried that the golden age of like centralized social media platforms is kind of behind us. And I'm not sure how to fix that. I don't know if that's like a fixable problem. Interesting. I have a hope that it's a fixable problem. I think it's fixable because there's demand for it to be fixed. That's the way I think about it. Well, is Twitter that bad right now? Like, I mean, it's fixable in as much as you can do a verification. So you can give a blue check to someone and then that person is like more credible and they go to the top of the comments and there's like tweaks you can do. You can continue to improve it, but it's not going to fix the fact that like Twitter can decide to kick off the president. And like a lot of people are going to be upset by that, you know, like there's ways you can improve the UX over time and they continue to do so. Like Clubhouse is a lot of fun, great phenomenon. So is Twitter spaces. So they continue to iterate, but the censorship deplatforming piece, I'm not sure it's fixable because if you, I mean, you watch the US government haul these people, haul Zuckerberg and Dorsey and whatever in front of Congress, they want more censorship. I mean, our elected leaders want more censorship, right? See, I just believe censorship is a really harsh word. I believe it's possible to create technologies where it's not Twitter doing the censorship, but it's individuals doing their own selection of what they want and don't want to see. So for example, if you get sick and tired of Donald Trump and whatever he says, or you love Donald Trump, you get to select yourself. Like you get to have more control over what you consume. Twitter tries to do that a little bit, but they obviously fail where ideas infiltrate our view that misinformation spreads really fast and conspiracy theories spread really fast to where the immune system that Twitter has created to try to censor conspiracy theories and misinformation is over firing and you're now censoring too many people. So it's exactly the same intuition as you said before. If the state is doing it, in this case, Twitter is kind of the state that's not going to work out well. But if you give power to the individuals to do this sort of the, not even censorship, but incentivization and deaccentivization of great thoughtful content and terrible low effort content, then I feel like that's going to create a system where there's going to be a much more open discourse of ideas, dangerous ideas, difficult ideas, controversial ideas, and people in a decentralized way will be able to use their own intelligence to select content to share content, spread content. Let's keep it simple. Let's look at one example, Twitter and Jack Dorsey. And I think it's quite clear that what he believes is the solution is as you're kind of hinting at a more kind of like regionalized system, which is not have one we call federated system, right? Which does not just have like one company in charge of everything, but there's an open protocol and then there's like different instances, right? So Twitter may, you know, Jack's dream for Twitter is that Twitter is this open protocol that the Russian government can use and the Chinese government can use and the Iranian government can use and the American government can use and then Twitter as a company is going to use too. And you as the customer decide which implementation you want to join and there's going to be different censorship on each instance or each federation, but the protocol itself would be like untouchable. This is kind of like the idea behind the internet, right? There's like different parts of the internet that are censored, but like at the very bottom of the very bottom of the backbone of it, it's like this globally connected relatively unstoppable thing, right? So I think that's a pretty good vision and Twitter is working towards that with the blue sky initiative. We'll see. I'm a little skeptical that it like works out because I've used Mastodon, for example. Mastodon is an example of a federated social media. Now it's ruled by a benevolent. Each instance is ruled by a benevolent dictator. It's just like I happen to like this one, so I know. So rather than trust one dictator, Twitter, you could choose which dictator you want to trust and that's kind of the federated model and maybe we head that way, but you lose things. When it's federated, you lose the UX, you lose the slickness and the feel and all the millions of dollars they spend on developers. Like Mastodon is like not anywhere close to as nice to use as Twitter. So I feel like it's, again, it's this trade off that we make with everything where it's convenience, comfort, speed versus privacy and freedom, right? It's very hard to have something that gives you both. I don't know. I think, I think, uh, yeah, it is a trade off. Have you used one of these things that I feel like is good? The federated, they're not, they're not, they're not, but the federated, I don't think it's, it's a good, I think, uh, it requires genius, it requires skill, it requires great design to come up with a way to, you know, there's a Pareto front here, there's a right way to hit that trade off. And I honestly think there's the UX, the experience should be centralized, should be designed by the company, but the data and like a lot of stuff that could be used to violate your basic rights should be owned by the individual. And I think there's a way to decouple those, like create an incredible experience to where you go there and you enjoy the market where you can share your data and have complete control over it and always have, I mean, there's a lot of basic UX ideas, like just as an example, I think there should always be in everything you design, a one button that's always there that says, forget I ever existed, delete everything you know about me. And maybe it's, maybe it's one button that you click and it asks, are you sure? And you have to be able to say yes. Like that's a feature that's fundamental to a good social network, I believe. Like currently social networks, first of all, most of them don't allow you to do that. They don't make it transparent how much data they had, who they shared it with. And they also make it exceptionally difficult to delete accounts. So like that's a very basic starting point, but that having that button means that you have control, but that's step one of the control. There's a transparency of knowing exactly when, what data is being shared about you, how much data is already being recorded about you, all that is transparency. And I believe in the, I believe that's a really good business model, because when there's transparency and control, people would be willing to give over a lot more data as long as they know what they're given over, as long as they know what they can delete. Yeah. I guess maybe you're more optimistic about people caring about, I feel like not so few people actually care about their privacy and freedom. I've just watched everybody give it up, you know, but we'll see, I guess just to book in that I think we're at this moment where obviously the centralized platforms are just so much easier and better to use and to strike it out and, you know, adventure out and use a like a federated instance or something even like Keybase, which is kind of like a cool encrypted way to like have group chats. It just requires like a lot of your time and a lot of people don't have that time. But I will say one thing, like I do think there is this future where we do go into more of this like, it's called a tribal model or like tribes, which is this social environment being built on top of lightning by an app called Sphinx. And the idea is like kind of like it's like a decentralized Slack, like you have your Slack instance, which has like a bunch of people in the community and you have different ways to message each other and it's all encrypted. And then it has like plugins for like things like Jitsi instead of Zoom. So like an open source encrypted video messenger. It has ways to like plug in the content you want to get from like different platforms that you follow, like podcasts, things like that. And again, it allows you to pay those people directly in a censorship resistant private way. So it's really nice to connect to the lightning network. Yeah. So it's all sort of built on lightning, but the idea you can think about it as like you're slowly starting to build up the idea of a WeChat, but with freedom principles. Because right now, WeChat's like the king of convenience and comfort, but of course it's feeding all that data to the big brother and the surveillance state. And then we have like our own versions over here in America that are not quite as convenient or amazing, but like we give up slightly less privacy and freedom. But this thing has a lot of promising features to it. It's worth checking out. It's very like early days. Like it feels like, I mean, I was pretty young, but it feels like the nineties in the internet. Like it has that feeling where you, yeah, you know it's rough around the edges, but you can feel the magic. It's pretty cool. I'm very much like with Steve Jobs on this. I think the founding principles are exceptionally important, but at the end of the day, the design of how sleek it is, how easy it is to use. And that's not just like pretty icing on the cake. That is the icing is the cake because like how easy it is to use, how natural it is. It's the Trojan horse thing. Like you don't get, it has to be pretty and shiny and it has to have, it has to fundamentally connect to the basics of human nature, which is what is pleasant to use, what feels good to use. You have to, you know, to trick people into eating the broccoli, you have to put like a delicious whatever on it. Well, again, PGP is a kind of a pain to use, right? For if you want privacy. Yeah. So Signal is an upgrade. Signal is way better. I mean, and it's way better than it was five years ago and it's, it's not quite as good as like not quite as seamless, right, as like a WhatsApp yet, but it's almost there. And they were able to do it and you're going to see that with, with Bitcoin wallets as well. I mean, they're, they're almost there. They're like, if you use like a moon wallet is like, I mean, it's so cool looking and it's so seamless and they've spent so many hours thinking about your experience. We are getting there. Whereas 10 years ago, it was like impossible to use. One of the things that Signal doesn't have, and I believe these kinds of applications need to have is like a, I hate the term, but killer app, which is like a dumb, but very viral and popular reason to switch it. I didn't see exactly, I mean, I've been using Signal, but I haven't seen a you know, a big reason to, to switch. Well, you're on it, man. To switch. I mean, the reason. But I haven't switched everything to it, you know what I mean? Like a. Yeah. The exodus to Signal was in, in January, they had a huge user surge for two main reasons. One hilariously enough, of course, was Elon tweeted, like you should use Signal, right? Which is not insignificant. And then the other one was that like WhatsApp changed kind of some of its terms of service and like, you know, announced to all of its users in this little pop up that it was going to be sort of like changing the way it handled your data. That spooked a lot of people. So these two things really combined and tens of millions of people in the following weeks between January and February joined Signal. It's like it really has had its day in the sun and they are like frantically trying to keep up with it. Like, and it's really nice to see that, that, that this encrypted messaging service, which, which prioritizes your privacy in a way that, you know, you know, the government again may know like the metadata, but doesn't know exactly what you're saying unless they can get your hands on your phone. I think that's very, very powerful. So it can be done. I don't want to be too jaded here. I think it can be done. Yeah, I think so. I think we can fight back and I think we can make, continue to make these digital communications tools and platforms in a way that, that, that really benefits us. Yeah. I'm not, I'm not sure, but I'm hopeful as well. I'm hopeful that if you look at the trend of technologies, they ultimately are ones that respect privacy, respect security and basic human rights. I mean, that's at least the hope. So Gary Kasparov, I'm Russian. He means a lot to me on a personal level. He is the chairman of a human rights foundation. What does Gary have to do with anything? What's your relationship like with him? Do you like chess? What are his specific focuses and ideas around the HRF? Can you just speak to it in general? Yeah, so our chairman at the human rights foundation was Václav Havel, who of course was like the famous Czech democracy activist who, you know, helped lead the Velvet Revolution and then ended up becoming the first democratically elected leader of the Czech Republic after the Soviet Union fell. He passed away in 2011 and it was very difficult to find a replacement because who can fill Havel's shoes, you know? But if one could, it would be Gary, right? So we like really tried to get Gary to join and thankfully he agreed and we've had an amazing relationship with Gary over the years. I mean, he's been relentless in his pursuit of freedom. I mean, he could have retired and taken his career in a different direction and he could be hanging out with Putin and have a pleasure yacht and all kinds of stuff, but he decided to risk it. And if you actually study like the times when he was running for president in Russia, Amash Gessen followed him around in The Man Without a Face, it's a great, great book about Putin. There's a fabulous chapter where she's following around Gary when he's campaigning and I mean, he risked a lot. I mean, he can't go back to Russia anymore, he gave up his country, he's given up a huge amount to be able to speak his mind and to have this dream, this beautiful vision of a free and democratic Russia, he really believes in it. It's been a great experience, I work very closely with Gary, we talk a lot, we do different things around the world together. He's come out to a lot of events in different cities around the world. And he's been a very active chairman, this isn't some figurehead, he's very involved and it's really, really great. I mean, everything he's involved with is, as one journalist who attends our events says, when he walks in the room, the average IQ of the room goes up pretty significantly. I'm not a big chess person, unfortunately, so I have not been able to connect with him on that, but I think he probably would prefer it that way. All he gets is people who want to talk to him about chess. So here we can talk about human rights strategy and how to improve our fight against dictators. But he really has that moral clarity that I really appreciate. Yeah, he has a lot of fascinating ideas about artificial intelligence as well. Please open my eyes a little bit to the state of Russia today, because I've read most books on Putin in the English language, in sort of trying to understand things. And I try to look at it from a historical perspective, almost like we're living a hundred years from now, and I look at Putin as an important figure in the history of human civilization and study it in that way. I think the way Gary looks at it, he probably doesn't appreciate me looking at the way I do, but the way he looks at it is we can still change the direction of Russia, and we individual human beings and we communities and we nations can take actions, have policies that can change the direction of Russia. To me, I take a sort of going to the library, passive view of studying fascinating aspects of Russia. To me, Russia means like most of my family suffered through the Soviet Union, and I see beauty in suffering, the poetry, the music, the stories, and just there's so much love that emerged from the pain that I just enjoy the music of that. But to Gary and to many activists that I speak to, to them, they love not just the Russia of the past. They have a vision and a hope for Russia of the future. And they criticize me a little bit for being a little bit too scholarly about the past and ignoring the future, and there's something to that. So he opens my eyes to look to the future of Russia. Gary and a handful of other Russian activists that we work closely with, including Vladimir Karamurza, who again, I mean, it's just incredibly heroic, the man has survived two poisonings by Putin. They like to say that, you know, Russians will bring democracy to Russia on their own terms. They don't need our help. This is what Vladimir especially says. But what he does say is that we should stop propping up Putin. Like that's kind of his, stop kind of legitimizing him. That's kind of his argument. Is like, we don't need your foreign interference. We don't need your ideas. We don't, you know, we don't need your help. We can do it on our own, but please stop like propping up our, you know, illegitimate ruler. That's kind of like his point of view, which I think is interesting and fair. Yeah. Let me just say on one unrelated comment, some people criticize me and others like Joe Rogan for giving people a platform. I think in some cases that's applicable, but I think in most cases, knowledge is power and there's no such thing as giving a platform. The conversation just shines a light as long as you shine the light well. And as long as in shining the light and having the conversation, you reveal something fundamental about the state of things, about the people, whether that's Putin or some of the other controversial figures that have come up in a possible future conversation. So I don't like this kind of platforming idea. I think conversations save us. They don't destroy us. Yeah. I mean, that's, that's journalism though. I mean, that's very different from, you know, advocacy or strategic thinking about what to do with Russia. Absolutely. Yeah. We should interview everybody and everybody should know exactly what they're thinking. Yeah. I think, you know, journalism to me has become a dirty word because, because it's done so poorly by so many people that, you know, I listened to sometimes certain programs, like, I don't know, like, uh, meet the press and the Fox Sunday program, just certain things just to tune in and see what different news medias are paying attention to. And the kind of interviews they do, you know, is like five minutes at most, but usually it's like one minute it's these quick clip things and it's very gotcha and they're looking for ways to sort of grab almost a misstatement. They want to catch you off guard. They want to ask the quote, like, like the harsh question, but without any of the, like the dance of conversation that reveals the truth, you know, you can't just get to the truth by asking it. You have to sneak up on it. And I think that's an art form. And I think that art form involves long form conversation. Like I'm a huge believer in just, I guess that's, what's called, I don't know, in depth journal or whatever, like where you spend months or years on a story in that same way. I think of long form conversation is like you spend many hours and you spend months and years preparing for those many hours, but like, it's not this like short form trying to, trying to get the most controversial little tidbit of a story out. And unfortunately the funding mechanisms behind journalism are such that they are incentivized clickbait journalism versus like in depth long form digging for the truth. I have a conflicted relationship with journalism because to me, press freedom is so core and independent journalists around the world are so brave, especially in countries like Russia or China, et cetera. And really good journalism is still something I absolutely, I love and I enjoy. Like this, especially like to say again, this New Yorker piece on what's happening to the Uyghurs is incredibly well reported. However, on the other hand, you have this sort of clickbaity journalism that's all about sensationalism and that gets used as a tool. I mean, whether it be against things like privacy or Bitcoin or whatever, you have like people who sensationalize and it gets used in the service of the surveillance state, the war on terror or whatever. You know, it's difficult, but you know, I think journalism is essential to a free society. But it can sometimes be, it can wear my patience thin sometimes. Like it's been, to be honest, it's been a huge burden on me personally, if I were to just turn this into a therapy session for a brief moment. When I look at people, when I interact with people, I'd like to see the best in them. And the burden that weighs heavy on me is sometimes people I talk to may not be good people. And I don't, I'd love to, I believe everybody has good in them and I try to focus on that. The burden that weighs on me is sometimes that there may be conversations where that's irresponsible, where I have to also call people out. I have to do enough of the hard lifting and the hard work of knowing exactly what are the bad things that that person has done. And I also have the responsibility to call them out on it. And that's for me personally, just an unpleasant feeling. That's where speaking to journalism, like I think journalists are too much focused on the bad things a person has done and not enough on the digging into the full complexity of the human being behind all the things that have been done. But at the same time, you know, I can't have a conversation with Hitler and not ask about the prison camps. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. No. So from the human rights perspective, one of our programs is we like, we try to go after people who do like PR for dictators. So like, like then a lot of people do like PR firms in Washington get hired by all these dictators and make a lot of money to make them look good. It's called whitewashing or putting lipstick on a pig or whatever you want to do. Astroturfing is like the fake, make like fake social media accounts to make it seem like you're popular. But whitewashing is a huge issue. So I think it's completely fair to interview like dictators and stuff like that. Amanpour does a pretty good job. She's really good. She makes sure that there's no messing around. I mean, her interviews of Museveni recently, the Ugandan dictator was very good. I mean, she's basically like, well, like, well, why are you rigging another election? Please tell us, you know, and she's fearless and she's good and that can be a helpful thing to have on YouTube as a resource. But it's, it's, it's quite clear when, when it descends into a PR session and you just have to be like very careful about it. Like Asma al Assad, the wife of the butcher in Syria, you know, was like profiled by Vogue and it was this whole rose in the desert things, a bunch of nonsense, terrible, terrible, terrible, total propaganda. But a like honest interview where you, you know, you're asking about all the tough questions. Very important. You know, so I think, I think it's just a matter of like content. And then on top of that, at the third level, you have separation of powers, again, what I'm describing. So authoritarian regimes don't really have any of these layers to them. And then at the top, then you put elections, but the elections are meaningless if you don't have the foundation below. Every dictator gets elected. Kim Jong Un gets elected. He's the only person on the ballot. Every dictator from Hitler to Chavez, they all got elected. Elections on their own mean literally nothing. You have to have these other layers beneath to actually be an open and free society. I think it's very important for people to understand. Although Hitler in an interesting way, at a certain point just said, I'm going to be a ruler forever, which is interesting. There's an important switch that happens when you, as opposed to having a facade of elections, you just put that aside and saying basically like, we're not even doing this. Yeah. There's like a ladder that you climb the election and you pull the ladder up and then no one else can climb up. This sadly happened in Egypt and it was quite predictable. After Mubarak was ousted after the Arab Spring, Morsi came in and it looked like the Muslim Brotherhood was not really going to be very democratic. But it didn't really matter because then the military came back and now we have Sisi who's even worse than Mubarak. So a lot of times in these regimes, unfortunately, it's very difficult for people to build that democratic society afterwards. Some people have told me that when you live in a totalitarian or authoritarian regime, it's kind of like a political desert. What grows in the desert? Scorpions and cacti, right? So basically people with very extreme views because you as an authoritarian ruler, your best method for control is to get rid of the moderates. You have to crush the moderates. That's very important. You want to have the only opposition to you be extremists. That way when you go and have negotiations with the United States, you can kind of hold up the terrorists or whomever, the extremists and say, it's either us or them, right? And then the realists who run the US government are going to choose you. And that's why, one of the reasons why the US government has supported so many dictators around the world over the last few decades. Do you think authoritarian systems emerge naturally, like that's the natural state of things. If you incorporate what human nature is, is there always going to be corrupt people the rise to the top? And we almost have to construct systems that protect us against ourselves kind of thing. Another way to ask that is what kind of systems protect us from our own human nature? We started with authoritarianism or autocracy, right? Ruled by one or a small group oligarchy, and all humans lived under this structure for, you know, the virtual, you know, bulk of all human existence. Only until pretty recently did we start having actual democracy. The idea that we should be ruled by rules, not by rulers, very powerful. Invented in many places across the world. Western Africa had this idea and so did the ancient Greeks. And they started to implement it. Although as most know, we didn't have full democracy for a long, long time because it was only property owners or only men, only people of a certain race. But this idea that we can like rotate our rulers and that we could be ruled by rules is extremely powerful and it really like for me, the ideas behind this, I think unlocked a lot of the industrial revolution, these small personal freedoms that were allowed in some countries, but not others. And they unlocked a lot of the scientific innovation over the last few hundred years. And to me, there's like a really straight line between like scientific inquiry, free speech, freedoms, and then more prosperity and more effectiveness as a civilization. So I think that democracy, you know, ruled by the people is definitely an upgrade from autocracy or oligarchy, you know, which would be ruled by one or ruled by a small group. And I think that the democratic revolution has been an incredible thing for our world. And it's, you know, you can do half class full, half class empty. The half class full is that almost half the world lives under democracy. Like that's an incredible achievement. But just under half. Yeah. Just under half. So. But that's billions of people. It's billions of people. And if you look at the progress of things, it's getting better and better and better. I mean, if you, you know. Yeah. We're a little bit of a stalemate here. Democracy's really blossomed between World War II and the year 2000, especially in the eighties and nineties, you had an incredible wave of fall, you know, where many, many authoritarian regimes fell and were replaced by democracies. I think around 2015, the acceleration kind of came to a standstill a little bit. There's some good news in some countries and there's bad news in others. Like in the last 10 years, you've had, for example, the Philippines has gone backwards. Thailand has gone backwards. Bangladesh has gone backwards. Turkey has gone backwards. That's like a half billion people right there. So you've had some positives, like, you know, there was positive movement forward in Armenia, Malaysia, some other countries, but we're kind of at a stalemate right now. And what most people fear about where we are right now, who I respect, is what is the digital transformation of the world due to this like progress of democracy or of open societies. And that's what concerns me the most. Oh, interesting. So I've, and we'll talk about one of the most fascinating technologies, which is Bitcoin, how it can help. But I have a sense that technology, like most technological innovations will give power to the individuals, will fight authoritarian governments as opposed to give more power to authoritarian governments. But your sense is there's ways to give for technology to be utilized as a tool for the abuse of the citizenry. I've seen both. In my work at Ahrefs, I started by helping to put together backpacks with foreign information that we sent to the Cuban underground library movement. So in Cuba, you know, to own a book at the time, you had to have the government's permission. There's very little internet penetration. Okay. So we would send in movies, you know, V for Vendetta, dubbed into Spanish, and people would sit inside their homes and they'd watch it and they would answer questions with each other. It was awful. And then after that, I worked with people inside North Korea. We would send in flash drives. We have this program called Flash Drives for Freedom. We've sent over 100,000 flash drives in our work into North Korea, a country of about 25 million people. That's a lot. It's a big, big difference. That's, you know, many, many millions of hours of films, books, movies, etc. So I've seen the power that technology can have where, you know, in the 60s and 70s, you know, to get to break an information blockade, you had to like send in crates of books into a communist country. So now all of a sudden, you can send the entire contents of what was once the Library of Alexandria on something the size of your thumbnail, like that's remarkable. So obviously, I've seen the positives of technology and we'll certainly get into Bitcoin. But I'm, you know, very concerned about essentially big data analysis, like what people call AI or general, you know, specific kinds of AI, like very concerning. I think these are very authoritarian. I mean, it's very hard to make a case that AI is going to be good for human rights. Very difficult, in my opinion. It may be good for health. It may be good for our efforts to protect the planet. It may be good for a lot of scientific things. I find it very hard to believe it'll be good for civil liberties. Oh, that's fun. This is fun because I disagree. Give me your examples. I'm serious. What AI applications will improve civil liberties? I thought you meant examples of stuff that's already out there, because I can give you examples that, for example, the kind of things I would like to work on, but also the kind of things I'm hoping to see, which is AI could be used by centralized powers, by governments, by big organizations like Facebook and Twitter and so on to collect data about people. Right. Right. I believe there's a huge hunger among people to have control over their own data. So instead you can have AI that's distributed or people have complete ownership of their little AI systems. So like the kind of stuff that I would like to build or like to see it to be built is you could think of it as personal assistance or AI that's owned by you and you get to give it out. You have complete control over all of your data. You have complete control over everything that's learnable about your day to day experiences that could be useful in the market of goods and ideas and all those kinds of things. So it has to do with, so I know you talk about the surveillance, which is very interesting. It's who gets to have control of the data. And I think, I believe there's a lot of hunger in among regular people to have control over their data such that if you want to create a business, you have a lot of money to be made from a capitalist perspective by providing products that let people control their data where you have no control. Sounds like to me you're describing encryption or at least the ability to encrypt, the ability to use digital keys to secure your property. And that to me is a very powerful force for individual rights, very powerful. And it's what animates Bitcoin ultimately, which we'll get into. Is this, is there a good resource to study whitewashing? Like to know what manipulative PR looks like? I think you just, you should know if you've researched the topic, you should know it inside you because it would be, is there anything you're afraid to ask? That would be it. Make sure you're asking all the questions. As long as you're asking all the questions that you have, you're good. But if there's something you're afraid to ask, then, then maybe you're self censoring, right? That's a good way. It's, it takes us back to that, like what is it that litmus test about is your country a lot to have a gay pride parade? So there's like obvious things that might be on your mind that you just want to ask and you shouldn't, you shouldn't run from them. As long as you feel like you're a free person when you're interviewing, I think you're good. That's beautifully put. Are there books, technical fiction, philosophical that had an impact on your life that you recommend or even resources like blogs, films? I have four books I'll briefly mention. Number one is The Fear. The Fear had a deep impact on me. The Fear was written by Peter Godwin. It's about the systematic dismantling of Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe. Peter is Zimbabwean and it is a riveting book. I think everyone should read it because it helps you understand what it's like to go through not just authoritarianism, but also hyperinflation. And I mean, really, you know, at the end of the day, what The Fear describes is how Mugabe took this country in the 1980s and he actually brought it back in time to the 1920s in terms of infrastructure, literacy rates, health rates, all these things. He stole so much from the people. And it's a heartbreaking book, but it's a very important book. And it's a way to do excellent, excellent journalism. So The Fear is a good one. And it's a personal story? Absolutely. Yeah. Because he was, it's part of his whole family story and he's in there. He's interviewing people personally. So I would say that one. Is it also connected, sorry to interrupt, is it, from the inflation perspective, is it a good study of hyperinflation and the effects? Does Bitcoin at all come as a discussion of money? Does that come into the, or is it purely the experience of inflation is almost a symptom of an authoritarian government? A little bit, a little bit. I would say it's not deep. I have another book on that, which I'll recommend in a second, but I would just say that it's a very powerfully written book about how society can basically deteriorate and how you can lose everything. The second book is, I just mentioned it, but The Man Without a Face by Masha Gessen. Incredible book about modern Russia and Putin. Just a masterpiece. So that one is. Could be one of your favorite books about Putin and Russia. That one's the best. I mean, she's just so fearless. Incredible. She interviews Putin in the book at the end. It's really good. The third one is a fiction book called The Mandibles written by Lionel Shriver. This one's good. It's a good gift book. It's funny. It's dark. It's witty, but it's about the United States losing its status as the reserve currency and going into hyperinflation. And what's interesting is that the characters in the book map where we are today. The book itself is about the late, I think it's the late 2020s. And we have a populist president who decides to announce that the United States is like basically going to default on its debts. And the rest of the world comes up with like a new currency and everybody switches to that one and the dollar like overnight becomes worthless. And all these like economists are saying, no, it's fine. Like inflation won't be a problem. And there's this one character who's an economist who's like an economist. And he's basically he gets to the point where he's living as a refugee in Prospect Park in Brooklyn and he's still saying everything's fine. You know, so it's like it's dry, it's witty, but it's also about the surveillance state. It's about centralization of power. It's really good. So The Mandibles, I would highly recommend. So those three books. And then on the topic of Bitcoin, because we talked about it a lot, I would just say that my portal into Bitcoin was The Internet of Money by Andreas Antonopoulos and I did it by audio book. And I just think this is an important one for people to start with because he goes through all the main concepts, whether it be proof of work or how the network functions. But he does it in a way that's extremely engaging and really fascinating. And it really just kind of like sparked my curiosity. Is it discussing the technical sides or also the philosophical? Because a lot of people mentioned sort of the Bitcoin standard is the philosophical entry into the whole Bitcoin world. Very different from the Bitcoin standard. It's more for like the average person. It's not a history book. It's a collection of his talks that he gave over like two or three years. It's not very technical. It's very approachable. And some of it might be dated now because it's like 2015, 2016. But I mean, it's great to hear a shout out for Andreas because he seems to be one of the seminal figures to sort of make Bitcoin ideas accessible. Andreas is the goat. Andreas is the goat. I know a lot of people will have issues with some of his like more recent work, but Andreas is the goat. Yeah. He's the reason I'm in Bitcoin. I mean, he's the reason I'm in Bitcoin. Yeah. That's fascinating. And it's funny to watch the Bitcoin maximalist immune system also attacking him. And this whole feedback mechanism is working together. It's fascinating. Well, I probably consider myself a maximalist, but I really like Andreas. So I think there's room for nuance. There's room for nuance in this world. I'm glad to hear that. If people are fascinated by your work, what is the way to get more of Alex? So two years ago, I came together with seven other people from around the world and we wrote a book in a book sprint. We lived in a house for four days. We wrote a book together. It was really cool. It was like a design sprint, but we did it in book format. And my coauthors are from Nigeria, Venezuela, the Philippines, from former Soviet Union, from all over. And it's called The Little Bitcoin Book, and I'm still proud of it. It's a hundred pages. It's something you give to somebody who knows nothing about the topic. And it's not a technical book. It's about the sort of social political aspect of it. Like why is it important for you, for your finances, for your freedom, for your future? And we've translated it into like a lot of languages by now. I think English, Spanish and Portuguese are for sale and littlebitcoinbook.com, you know, you go buy it. We've made it as a free PDF in Mandarin, Hindi, Punjab, Korean, Uyghur, which I was really excited about, Arabic, Farsi. And I mean, it spreads, man. It's been really, really cool. So I'm proud of that. I also made a video that did very well for Reason magazine called Why is Bitcoin Protecting Human Rights Around the World? It's five minutes. And it just, I feel like I tried to boil everything that I want to tell you into this five minute video. So there's that. I would recommend that. And then if you're interested in the why have governments not stopped it, which I think is really intriguing, I wrote this long essay in Quillette in February called, you know, why haven't governments banned Bitcoin? And maybe that'll be a helpful guide to some folks. Is this speaking to the Trojan horse idea that there's something enticing about it? Yeah, at the end, it does get into that. But it really also just kind of goes through technically, why is it hard to do a 51% attack? Like if a government wanted to, could it really get all that equipment? There's a semiconductor shortage, like it can't. There's like certain things that stop governments from doing it. And same thing with like this idea of a 6102, which would be based on the idea of the executive order 6102, which is from 1933 when FDR made holding gold illegal in the United States. The idea is that like banks would go around now with governments and try to like steal everybody's Bitcoin. Well, in Bitcoin we have like a practice called proof of keys day every January 3rd, you know, which is coinciding with the launch of the Bitcoin blockchain, where we all like withdraw our keys from exchanges and we'd be sovereign users. What we are doing is we are preparing for a 6102 attack, which will one day probably come, right? So the essay just goes through all of the like possible attacks and it runs through like the ones that happened, like the Chinese and Indian governments, the two largest governments in the world, both tried to attack Bitcoin by banning their citizens from exchanging fiat for Bitcoin. It didn't work. Interest instead exploded. It's like the Barbra Streisand effect where, you know, by making something public and saying you shouldn't do X, it actually increases attention about X a lot more, right? So I think there's a lot of interesting game theory there that people would enjoy. Do you think, are you seriously concerned about this kind of thing where the idea is a sovereignty and that Bitcoin espouses would actually one day be tested? Do you have like a legitimate concern because you said like one day very well might. Do you think it might go down? First of all, Bitcoin has been attacked again, many times and we talk about the, you spoke about this with Nick Carter on your show, the sort of protocol wars or conflict or whatever, right? And Bitcoin almost died a whole bunch of times during that and ended up surviving. Oh wow. I didn't, I didn't know how bad the blocks at that point was. Oh it got really bad. It was, it was a sort of a very existential threat and Bitcoin survived and that's why I'm so intrigued by it is that it basically survived an attack in an environment several years ago when Bitcoin was much more vulnerable than it is today. It survived an attack by a conglomeration of Chinese billionaires, Silicon Valley corporations and a ton of people who owned the majority of the hash rate and all this infrastructure. They had 83% of all the hash rate and they couldn't get what they wanted and that was so intriguing to me. Like why didn't it, why didn't it get killed? So as Nick said, I think you should read The Block Size War, which is a book on that you can get on Amazon by Jonathan Beer. Really good, kind of like really important to understand the, the, the, the scaling conflict and the visions over the different visions of what Bitcoin should be. And you know, again, people like me believe it should be a freedom tool, not like a payments technology for retail. And I'm just, I'm glad it worked out the way it did because it almost didn't. Do you think a human's civilization will destroy itself? So if we think about all the threats facing human civilization, nuclear war, natural or engineer pandemics, you know, we talk about human rights violations. We talk about authoritarian governments taking control of the money supply, but do you have grander concerns for the future of human civilization? Do you have hope for us becoming a multi planetary species? Yeah, I mean, I, I guess longterm we'd want to decentralize, right? We don't want a single point of failure in the earth is a single point of failure. But no, I mean, you look at all this kind of like space fiction and I mean, who would want to live on Mars, man? It's like a fricking desert. I mean, the earth is so beautiful. I hope we can save it. You know, it's just so gorgeous when you look at the earth compared to any other like exoplanet or whatever you look at it, I mean, the earth is so spectacular and wondrous and singular. I think we got to do everything we can to save it here. That's funny. I mean, I'm sure a lot of people would have said that about Europe before the explorers ventured out Columbus and the rest out into the unknown. The thing about human nature is that we are explorers too. We are. Some small fraction of us are insane enough to explore in the most dangerous grounds and I'm pretty sure there's quite a few people that would love to take the first step on Mars, the first few steps on Mars in the harshest of environments, even when the odds of survival extremely low. And I'm thankful for those people because I sit back and drink my vodka back here on earth and enjoy good friendships because I think ultimately that step to Mars is going to be a first step into exploring and colonizing the rest of the galaxy. Mars might be a harsh environment, but maybe space is not like other planets, other exoplanets, but also forget planets, just creating colonies that flow about in space. There's exciting technologies that are yet to be discovered, yet to be engineered and built that I think require that first painful step. The journey of a thousand miles starts with one step and I think Mars is that first step. Yeah, no, I was born the day before the Challenger blew up and it was always so tragic for me to look back on that because that really altered our arc in terms of space exploration. That had not happened. We'd be on a very different arc and I do respect and admire people pushing for exploration, but at the same time, I just want to recognize that we know how unique Earth is and I do think we got to do everything we can to protect it. But I think you've already answered the question if we're going to destroy ourselves. Oh, yeah, I guess. Are you hopeful? Okay, fine. If we do not decentralize properly out into different physical spaces, probably, I guess, yeah. I mean, do you have concerns that are immediately facing you, so not in terms of the injustices on the world, but nuclear war? Yeah, look, I'm a lot more concerned about what's happening right now. Like, what is destroying ourselves? If you were to go and see what's happening in Xinjiang or North Korea right now or Eritrea, that is destroying ourselves and it's already happened. So I guess the end, that's why I said, yes, I mean, if you don't decentralize and power is completely under one person, life is destroyed as we know it. And you don't have to go into science fiction to know what a totalitarian hellscape dystopia is. There's several that exist already and let's try to help those people at the same time as we're trying to push out into space would be my counter, I guess. Yeah, I agree with you. In my mind, destruction and suffering are next door neighbors. So we don't need to destroy all of human civilization. If much, a large fraction of it lives in conditions that we would equate to suffering, that's not a good world. Is there advice that you would give to young people today about life, about career, about how they can help a world where 53% are living under authoritarian governments, but in general, a world that's full of injustice, but also full of opportunity? Just thinking about my own upbringing, I went to a public school here and we never learned about money. It was never part of our curriculum. Even personal finances was not part of our curriculum. You could take like an optional course to learn about like business or something. And I think that that would be really valuable as a young person or as a teenager to start incorporating into your children's lives is like a curiosity about what is money, I think would be very healthy, regardless of what path that takes them down. Because we don't think about it enough, either from an administrative sort of personal finance thing about like responsibility, or more fundamentally, like, what is it and who creates it? Where did it come from? Both of those things are very important. So my advice to a young person would be to get to the point where you feel like you can answer the question, what is money? So you ultimately see money as a kind of power and freedom and a mechanism of suffering. It is so core to everything. The United States, whether you want to call it the Pax Americana, the Empire, the hyperpower, whatever you want to call this moment in time where the US is dominant around the world, it is because of the fact that we have this petrodollar system, where we are able to force the Saudis and other oil producing nations to sell their oil in dollars. That is really inescapable, inseparable from our power. And that's very rarely talked about. And it's very important to understand. So yeah, if young people could start thinking about that stuff, it'd be good. I remember being, it sounds silly to say, but I remember being really uncomfortable that I was dependent on my parents at a young age for like financial. You need to be 18 to have a bank account or whatever. One of the people that we supported at Ahrefs through our, we do software development funding for people in Bitcoin, open source projects. And one of the guys we funded is this very young, smart sort of prodigy. He's like 17. But one of the reasons he got into Bitcoin was because he wanted to have control of his money when he was like 14. I mean, if you think in history, people who invented all kinds of incredible contributions to science or math, I mean, a lot of them did it before they were 15. So think about that maturity that is capable and possible in many people. Like I've participated in some of the years ago, some of the sort of selection processes for like the Teal fellowship, which is like really amazing. Like these people who are 14, 15, 16, who don't need to go to college, they're already like so smart, they can figure it out, but they wouldn't be allowed to have a bank account. So hey, that's kind of cool. Like now you have a permissionless money, you can open up yourself without permission from your parents. That's kind of cool. Yeah. That's fascinating to me. I feel like I would have loved my parents more if I had freedom to fully realize myself, because I felt like I was a little bit trapped by, I don't know, it's not explicit, right? It's a little bit, it's like a subtle push that you're somehow dependent on them. I mean, part of that is like, I think it actually very much has to do not talking about money. Like what does it take to operate as an individual entity in this world? Like knowing that when you're 10 years old, knowing that when you're very young, so that you've, then you see the, how amazing it is to have the support of your parents until you're 18. Like have that freedom, have the freedom to appreciate the value your parents bring. And at the same time, the freedom to leave in some capacity to carve your own path. I mean, like just all of that, I think for weirdos like me, especially because I was a very nontraditional path that I think it would be very empowering and certainly would be empowering in the third world. Not just weirdos like you. Yeah. I was going to mention one of the people I got who taught me about Bitcoin, her name is Roya Mapoob. She's an Afghan technology CEO, and in 2013 she started paying her employees in Bitcoin because they were not allowed to open bank accounts, the women that worked for her. She started the country's first female, like all female software company. And if they brought cash home, their like husbands or uncles or brothers would steal it from them. There's like a power patriarchal dominance thing going on. But they had phones and she was able to pay them in Bitcoin and no one knew, and it gave them that power. And that's always stuck in my mind as a very interesting effect of this kind of thing of permissionless money, like that it can be an empowerment tool. So absolutely. So in your own personal life, where did the deep concern for the suffering in the world come from? Where was that born? I was going to be an engineer actually, and then in 2003 we invaded Iraq and I got very interested in why we did that as a nation and I switched my focus of study to like international relations and that's how I kind of went down the kind of political science democracy rabbit hole and ended up getting a job at the human rights foundation. So that I'm a very much a child of like 9 11 and the Iraq war. Those are the two really formative events for me personally. Can you break that apart a little bit? Like what illusion about this world was broken apart by the invasion of Iraq? Well I think first of all, 9 11 just shifted the world dynamics completely from a focus on big power politics between the US, Russia and China to this new threat of Islamic terror. And a lot of it we learned later, a lot of the things we did, we were manufactured, choreographed, like there were no WMDs in Iraq. Like the reason our rulers said we needed to invade and destroy this country was a lie. And that I think has really been forgotten. Like I think a lot of like the Zoomers like today don't really know a lot about that time period. I mean it's pretty crazy. Unanimously, I mean Democrat, Republican, like Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton, like and the Republicans, everybody wanted to invade this country and it's a confusing time. There's a really good book by Ian McEwen called Saturday, a fiction book that takes place during I think 2003 and it's one day in the life of the doctor in London. It's really good though to revisit this time because he has two characters, he has characters in the book, one of whom is very pro war and one of them is very against war. Basically he, the father himself is pro war and his son is against it and they have all these debates. And it's nice to go back to revisit but that time was, it's really crazy and it really showed you that like the media could be captured into like helping promote this idea of like invading another country. So I was very curious about why we did it and like who was pulling the strings and what are the reasons that we went. And what's really interesting is that like I took all these courses on and interviewed all these decision makers, whether they were like neocons or whatever, different people who were involved. And the whole like dollar reserve currency thing like really never came up until like I learned about it more recently because of Bitcoin. And today when I look back, it seems kind of obvious that the reason we invaded Iraq was because Saddam Hussein wanted to sell oil in euros. It seems really obvious when you go back and look at the chronology of it and we were like, no, we actually don't want you to sell dollars in euros because that would threaten the dollar. So we're going to invade you and then you're not going to do it and then no one else is going to like sell dollars in euros, just oil in euros, right? I guess you could say the same thing about Qaddafi, but we as a nation have very much protected our reserve currency, let's put it that way. Yeah, actually one of the things that Bitcoin community has motivated me to do is to look back to the histories that I have studied myself from just even the two world wars, the history of the 20th century from a perspective of the monetary system of money. And it's interesting. It's interesting to look at human history in the context of money. Can't we be patriotic and be pro America, but like not want the petrodollar? Like I should be proud of my country. Why do we need to be propping up the Saudis? Why do we need to be, you know, threatening to invade other countries if they sell their oil for a different currency? I think we can be just as powerful as we are today, if not more powerful in a Bitcoin world. If you think about the infrastructure Americans are building, all the innovations we're building, all the wealth we have, I think we'll be fine, better than fine. And we won't have these horrible negative externalities. It's really an optimistic vision for the future. I thought we learned the lesson of 9 11 and the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. But we're leaving and you know, Biden announced we're leaving Afghanistan this year, 20 years for what? The Taliban are going to take over. Well, I mean, that's at least a good, the longest war, right? The forever wars. I feel like the past 20 years or whatever it is, 18 years, 19 years, we've been very skeptical about invading other countries, about, we've been skeptical about military intervention in other nations. Well, our leaders certainly haven't, we have like seven active wars right now, and neither the Russians and the Chinese, everybody's starting to invade everybody else. I mean, so yes, but I meant to a degree that I was worried about like conflicts with, hot conflicts with Iran, with North Korea, those kinds of things. That there was not as much war mongering as I was afraid about. But yes, you're absolutely right. We're still, there's a big presence by the United States and other nations and across the world that's military. The military industrial complex is a thing that has huge detrimental ripple effects throughout the entirety of our governments. Yeah. So the big question is how do we prevent the rise of this like authoritarian surveillance state in China while at the same time kind of diffusing the military industrial complex on our side? That to me is like the biggest challenge of our time. I don't have the answer, but we should keep digging. Yeah. I believe there's technological innovations. You're suggesting that perhaps one of the technological innovations like is Bitcoin. It's a big part of it. Yeah. On the money side, I think the information side, there's innovations that are open, that's possible. And the political side, I'm the most skeptical about. I just feel like there's, without hot wars that we don't seem to make any kind of progress. Cities just grow, corruption and greed grow and human nature does not do well in the political arena. So I hope technology can outpace the darker sides of human nature. So you're busy fighting the demons, the darkness that's out there, but looking in the mirror, you're a finite being. Unfortunately this ride ends for you pretty soon. Do you ever ask yourself about the meaning at all of why the hell us descendants of apes are even on this thing, striving so hard to make a better world for ourselves? I don't often zoom out that much. I feel like my day job is pretty interesting. It keeps me very engaged with all the stuff we've been talking about. As far as the meaning of life though, it seems quite clear that we do have the possibility as a species to create these beautiful communities and constructs and to share an exploration of the world together that is often marred by cold realities that we've discussed. But I do feel like in a way that the meaning of life is that pursuit, of course biologically is to spread our species, but also to pursue knowledge and science and innovation and freedom most importantly. I think freedom has to guide us or else we end up with prison camps. If we don't let freedom guide us, we end up with the prison camps. So we need to have scientific innovation and adventurism and colonization of the stars, but without the slavery and without the prison camps. I think that's so key. There's something about the creation of beauty that seems fundamental to human nature and what seems beautiful is these communities that don't have suffering, they don't have injustice. And we have some kind of inner sense of what is injustice. I don't know, like some of the human rights that you've mentioned earlier, they're just philosophical constructs, but they're also seem to be somehow deeply in us too. We have a sense of what is right and what is wrong. It's not just a kind of illusion that we've all agreed on. Yeah, arbitrary power, torture, executions. We know these things are wrong. I mean, we know they're wrong. We don't have to read a book to know that. But you do need to... People can get brainwashed. I mean, you talk to people who've grown up in North Korea, they don't know any better. They don't know what's going on in the outside world. So they've never experienced anything differently. So that's why, look, technology can play a big role here in terms of the meaning of it all. It can really help emancipate, liberate people, at least so that they can make their own choices about what to do, at least so that we're on a level playing field. So technologies like the internet and Bitcoin, they can at least give you the option to do things your own way on your own terms. And then from there, we'll see. I think it's important that we have design choices where we can have a little more say and not everything be preprogrammed for us. That would be very disappointing. So I mean, the open web and encryption in Bitcoin, these are things that help prevent social engineering and that promote more freedom and more possibilities, honestly, and more entrepreneurship and more creativity and more scientific inquiry. I mean, think about the people who tried to shut down scientific inquiry 500, 600 years ago or whatever that were trying to say the earth was the center of everything and they were wrong. And then all these conservative religious types throughout history have always said that there's no value in science and there's no value in technology and they've been wrong the whole time. So let's continue pushing here. Let's continue pushing. It's kind of scary to me sometimes, humbling, beautiful, but also scary to think of. You mentioned North Korea, people are kind of living in ignorance. It's scary to me to think about how much ignorance there is in the world today, like how little I know personally, or us as a human civilization knows there's yet to be discovered to that very... Well, there's a difference between laziness and ignorance, right? So I would be lazy if I didn't take advantage of the internet, right? Someone in North Korea doesn't have the option. They don't have the option. There's literally no way for them to access the internet. So there's kind of like social laziness that philosophers have warned about forever that we basically become sheep, okay, and then there's actual like brainwashing and censorship that's possible like by closing off your population and keeping them off like the internet, right? So I think these are two very different concepts. Absolutely. But I also mean just like not even laziness, but cognitive limitations and just historical scientific limitations like, you know, we're a very young species, like all of the exciting stuff we've been talking about have happened on the scale of decades, maybe centuries. We're very young and all the cool stuff we've come up with and it's just humbling to think about how little we know, but you're right that, you know, ultimately having the freedom to keep exploring, keep venturing out, even if we later discover that a lot of the stuff we've been doing now is ethically horrible. If you think about animals or I think about robots a lot, the kind of things we might be doing to other consciousnesses that are here on earth might be, we might see as atrocities later on, but ultimately you have to have the freedom to explore those kinds of ideas and without that freedom, you don't even get the chance to be lazy. Yeah. I mean, look, don't be a sheep. It's easy to be a sheep. No offense to sheep. And there's some practical things, man. Get on signal, start encrypting your messages, take control over your privacy. The media doesn't want you to, but check out Bitcoin. You can be your own bank. You can transact with people around the world and no one can stop you. This can put a stop to a lot of arbitrary power and a lot of human rights violations. Don't use WeChat, question more, research what's happening in Xinjiang, I mean, learn about what's happening in the genocide in that country and let's think about how we can build our societies so that we never have that kind of power concentration ever again. Each of us can make a difference. Alex, it's a huge honor to talk to you. I've been a fan of your work. A lot of people spoke really highly of you as one of the beacons of hope for our human civilization. So I'm really glad we got a chance to talk. Thank you for wasting all this time with me today. It's been an honor. Thanks man. A lot of fun. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Alex Glastine. To support this podcast, please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, let me leave you with some words from Alice Walker. The most common way people give up their power is by thinking they don't have any. Thank you for listening and hope to see you next time. But for me, at least the way I look at it today in 2021, the threat from big data analysis used by governments and authoritarian regimes is terrifying. I mean, to actually see what the Chinese Communist Party is doing where they have hundreds of millions of cameras overseeing society, cameras that can tell who's a Uyghur and who's a Ham, that to me is terrifying and everything is sorted instantly. There are supercomputers that are built in Urumqi, in Xinjiang for this explicit purpose. And it allows the government to quickly sort and basically commit genocide a lot faster and it's really scary. So I do agree and I've seen personally how powerful technology can be as a force for freedom, but I'm very, very worried about big data analysis in the hands of governments. See, that's funny because I tend to see governments as ultimately incompetent in the space of technology to where there will always be lagging behind. So you look at what the Chinese surveillance systems are doing, I believe once it starts getting bad enough that technologies would be created to resist that. So to mess with it from the hacker community, but also from the individual community. So surveillance is actually very difficult from a centralized perspective to collect data about you, to detect everything you are because you can spoof a lot of that information. So I believe you can put power in the hands of the citizens to sort of feed the government fake data to confuse it at a mass scale to where it'll make their surveillance less effective. That could be very sort of hopeful. Yeah. I mean, the practical application in Xinjiang, which is a territory the size of Alaska, where a large percentage of the population has been put into prison camps. The current issue of the New Yorker has an absolutely harrowing essay that tells the story of one such woman who in, I believe, 2017 got sucked into one of these camps and it took her a year or more to get out. And she's talking about how in each home in Xinjiang, each home has a QR code on it that the police can scan and get like a quick instant download of who lives there. Each car has, you know, like a scannable code. Every single person has their DNA taken and the DNA is being sifted through and analyzed by algorithms. So this is like the Chinese government's laboratory for how can we use technology to oppress. It's like sort of like digital Leninism. And that to me is one of the biggest risks in our world today and it's not talked about enough. That's interesting. So technology is basically enables the automation of oppression. Absolutely. So like... But to define technology, big data analysis and, you know, maybe specific AI, etc. does, but encryption allows us to fight back. It's very important people understand we have tools to fight back. The, you know, big brother can only grow if it can feed on your data. If it can't get your data, it can't grow. So you have to willingly give up stuff to the cloud for this monster to grow. We can like make the monster hungry and shrink it if we give it less data. And I think that's where I would agree with you in terms of like wanting to empower people to be able to do stuff on their own terms in a sovereign way. And yeah, maybe you're kind of thinking like the personal assistant who helps out Tony Stark or something like that. And that's, yeah, as long as there's no back doors and that's a sovereign thing that you've popped up and created and you have the keys to, absolutely. But practically speaking, if we're talking about the world today as is, we need to be concerned about the way that authoritarian regimes are using big data analysis and they're going to buy this software and this equipment from the Chinese government, they're already doing it. State level surveillance has already been purchased by governments everywhere from Latin America to Sub Saharan Africa to the heart of Europe. There's been huge scandals in Britain over their purchase of Chinese surveillance technology. Part of the Chinese government's Belt and Road campaign, which is basically to build the infrastructure of this century and to be in control of it, part of that idea is to ship out and install surveillance technology both at the telecom level and at the surveillance level across dozens of countries around the world and have that back door. There's this national security law in China, which states that companies that are Chinese, which are abroad, are mandated to send data back to Beijing. So they are building this huge global surveillance state. And again, not talked about enough, you should go Google and research the Belt and Road. I think it's very important that we confront this. Yeah, I'm really glad you're talking about it because it's probably important to understand. I'm also hopeful that as people get educated about how much their data, when collected, unencrypted, but in general, can be used to harm them. I mean, it's almost like an education. I feel like if you know, it's a double edged sword because I feel like people become fearful too easily and that actually has a very negative effect on the quality of life. In some sense, you want to have tools that allow you to live freely as opposed to live in fear. If you live in fear, it's not a good way to live. So it's a balance. It's a free society versus a fear society. Yeah, fear society. And look, people are, it's all about the trade offs you make in your daily life. Like living more privately with more freedom is less convenient. You trade freedom and privacy for convenience and comfort and speed. Absolutely. And the engineering decision and everything that you do. In the West, in advanced democracies, we have not necessarily personally seen the results of that trade off because we live in these free societies that have these checks and balances and freedoms. But as soon as you step into an authoritarian state and you make those trade offs, your life immediately becomes more restrictive. And what people are worried about is that even in advanced economies, market democracies, etc., people are worried that they might not survive the great social digital transformation. You know, look at what the NSA is capable of doing. I mean, for now, it's not that big of a problem because we still have free speech. But it's deeply concerning what Snowden revealed. And it's a nice reminder that we need to be focused on privacy and encryption and on helping users become more sovereign regardless of where you live. It's kind of like a crutch to live in a free society. Like, you know, it's almost like a free lunch in a way. You're not going to be sent to a prison camp because of the color of your skin or your beliefs or what you say about the government. And you're very lucky. Again, most people do live in a society where you can be persecuted for those things. And I feel like, especially in America, we forget that we're distanced from that really strong reality, you know. On the topic of Snowden and the NSA, what should we be thinking about? Because that feels like already an outdated set of conversations because of the information we've gotten from the past. It feels like everything's gotten quiet now in terms of how much we actually know about the... No, it's hugely important. I think the two lessons from Snowden are, A, the Patriot Act and the War on Terror and mass surveillance are not necessary for our democracy and for our freedoms. This was a false choice. We never had to sacrifice them to be safer. And we've seen that. The government has spent hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars on these like surveillance programs that you can read about have amounted to very little, except for tremendous bureaucratic waste and, you know, erosion of our freedoms. But at the same time, we need to practice more privacy. And the dramatic increase in the usage of Signal, for example, has been really, really great to see. It's fantastic that tens of millions of people are downloading Signal and using it. You should try to be onboarding more and more of your conversations onto Signal, for example, where governments can't see what you're saying. Maybe they can see the metadata. Maybe they can see that you sent your phone number, sent a message to someone else's phone number at this time, but they can't see what's inside. So using encryption in your life is very, very important. That's a good starting point. I would say that's kind of step A. The ideas of democracy, the ideas of the balance of power, all the ideas that we were talking about, the constructs, were inventions. I wonder if there's other inventions that will allow us to sort of not engage, not give governments or any centralized institutions so much power. Why do citizens have to use Signal? Because it's an effort. You have to understand exactly why. So that's a nice little solution for a particular set of problems. But there's a million other ways that data, I'm sure, is being collected constantly. If we don't create a system that prevents the establishment of these centralized powers, then we'll always have this problem. Yeah, I think we can keep it simple for the purposes of this conversation. You have politics, information, and money. Those are the three things I would encourage us to focus on. In politics, yes, someone invented democracy. I mean, whether it was the Greeks, the West Africans, or many others around the world around the same time invented this idea that we should be ruled by rules and not by rulers. And that has evolved dramatically. And then you have information. Information also used to be highly centralized, right? Think about how rich you had to be to gain access to a library before the printing press, or how much money you had to have, or how close to the king or the feudal lord you had to be to be able to have that ability. But now, the majority of the world, billions of people have access to all information in their pocket, and they can set up an account on social media and get their word out. So not only politics, but information has been dramatically decentralized. And I would say that encrypted messaging is kind of a corollary to that second innovation in as much as now people are like more effortlessly, like Signal is a lot easier to use than PGP, for example. They're more easily able to practice privacy when it comes to having private messages globally. These are all good things and we need to keep pushing. And I think money is like, honestly, maybe the most important piece. And that's why I spent so much time thinking about Bitcoin. Okay, so politics, information, money, yes, let's talk about money. What is money? Why is it important to think about in the context of human rights? I have witnessed money be peripheralized, it has taken a backseat in the human rights conversation. The idea of currency, who makes the money, who makes the rules, who issues it, who sets the interest rates, all these things, it is not on the menu of human rights activists. If you just do like a systematic study of like the human rights discourse over the last several decades, money is not there. It's also not really taught in schools. Like children don't really learn about money, where does it come from? It's kind of hidden from a lot of our discourse. Only really when I got into Bitcoin did I started learning more about money. I spent 10 years at the Human Rights Foundation and we did all kinds of programs around the world. We convened Oslo Freedom Forums in different places and I got to meet hundreds of dissidents. And very rarely did they ever speak about currency or bank accounts or moving money from one place to another. But when I started asking them, they always had amazing stories about money, always. I mean, my friend, Ivan Mawire, who started the This Flag movement in Zimbabwe, which ended up toppling Robert Mugabe, when I asked him to come to San Francisco to give a talk about hyperinflation, which he lived through. He said, no one's ever asked me to do that before, but I'll come. And he came, this was about three years ago. And the first thing he did when he got on the stage is he opened up a shirt and he brought out a necklace that had the 1980 Zimbabwean dollar on it. And he said, we in the activist community wear this as a symbol of where our country used to be because the Zimbabwean dollar used to be worth two British pounds. And then of course, over the next two and a half decades of economic mismanagement and corruption by Mugabe, it got inflated out of existence, right? You've seen those like a hundred trillion dollars in Zimbabwean notes. So he had to live through that, which was terrible and crushing, but he is an expert on money. If you actually talk to human rights activists about money, they know a lot about money. They're just not usually asked to talk about it. So for me, when I study money or look at money, it's really about control, who's creating it, and how much does the population know about the creation of that money. And when it comes to Bitcoin, it's really the people's money. Like there is no shadowy force in charge of it. We all know the rules. We all know how it's going to get minted and how it's going to get printed. And you know, that information is out there for everybody to see. And there's no like special group of rules for one group of people or another group. You know, a billionaire and a refugee are the same in the eyes of the protocol. This is a rather revolutionary concept. And in the same way that democracy allowed us to decentralize politics and have checks and balances. And in the same way that the internet is this culmination of technologies that allowed us to decentralize information, access to and control over it, Bitcoin, you know, decentralizes money. I mean, no longer, again, is there one group of people who can just change it arbitrarily. We're all in the same playing field. And I think that that is a tremendous innovation. You know, from one perspective, money and inflation, hyperinflation is a kind of symptom of corruption, as opposed to the core of the corruption. And at the flip side, in terms of resisting the corruption, resisting the abuse of human rights, it's interesting to think that fighting inflation or fighting the mismanagement of the money supply is a way to fight back authoritarianism or to fight authoritarianism. And that's an interesting concept that I think was introduced to me by just plugging myself intellectually into the Bitcoin community, but also just cryptocurrency in general, is to like, it's not that money is a symptom. You know, money is a tool to fight back, too. Absolutely. So in what way can Bitcoin be used to fight authoritarianism, not just in the United States, but all of those 53% that you're referring to, how can Bitcoin help? So we talked about authoritarianism, and we talked about the surveillance state. To me, Bitcoin has two kind of key mechanisms through which it can help us. Number one, it's a sovereign savings account. It's debasement proof, meaning the government cannot print more whenever they want. This is very, very different from fiat currency, which by its very name, its very nature can be issued on sort of demand, right, by the rulers. And while I live in a country where the rulers do a reasonable job managing the money, most people aren't so lucky. So only 13% of humans in the world live in a country that's a liberal democracy with property rights and has what we call a reserve currency, meaning a currency so stable and desirable that other countries save in it at the central bank level, right? You basically have the U.S., the U.K., Australia, Switzerland, the Euro, and Canada. I mean, those are like reserve currencies. And these are liberal democracies where people have reasonable guarantees over property rights. Everybody else either lives under like a weaker currency or an authoritarian regime. That's 87% of the world's population, almost 7 billion people. So for them, a sovereign savings account that's permissionless, meaning you don't have to have ID to use it, is a big, big deal. And a lot of people talk about Zimbabwe or Venezuela as some like isolated cases. Oh, well, you know, hyperinflation only happens in those two countries. I actually did some research into this and there's about one point, over, you know, close to 1.3 billion people who live under double or triple digit inflation. This is not an isolated instance. We're talking huge countries, Nigeria, 200 million people, 15% inflation, Turkey, 15% inflation for 100 million people, Argentina, 40% inflation for a country of 45 million people. So you can go down the list, there's about 35 countries where like people's earnings, their wages are literally disappearing in front of their eyes over a matter of weeks or months against things like the dollar or gold or real estate, right? So this is a huge issue. It absolutely is a human rights issue for me. I mean, when it comes to your time and energy, having control over that or having it stolen from you, I think this is pretty clear. And Bitcoin is like an immediate, low cost, easily accessible solution for people. And I've learned this not from my own assumptions, but by talking to people, by interviewing dozens of people, whether it's in Sudan, which currently has triple digit inflation, or people who've escaped from Syria, who have used Bitcoin to get their wealth out of the country, and then also to make payments back to people inside, or Venezuela or elsewhere. It's very, very powerful. I think some very small percentage of people who have used, have owned Bitcoin was something like 1%, right? Of the world, whatever that number is, it's small. Call it 2% for the purposes of our, about a little under 200 million people. Wow. Yeah. At most, right now. So if we look at Zimbabwe, Sudan, if we look at... Small percentages of people. Do you think the technology is mature enough? Because it's not just about the idea, it's also about the implementation of it. Like Bitcoin, for the most part, requires access to the internet. Yeah. And what do you think about accessibility of this technology now as a method of activism in the worst parts of the world? We often think like all the conversations we've had about Bitcoin is essentially middle class, like wealthy people relative to the rest of the world. They're kind of talking sort of investment and high concept ideas. Then there's also the people in the world who are suffering, who are living through hyperinflation. They may not have a computer or access to the internet. How do you think Bitcoin can help there? Yeah. So again, we have one clear use case, which is a sovereign savings account that you can control, right? The other use case is an unstoppable payments network. This is very important for people who live behind, for example, sanctions, like the US like basically weaponizes the dollar and like sanctions different countries. And instead of sanctioning like a handful of rulers, for example, which I would support, this is like a Magnitsky or smart sanctions. Sometimes we'll just say, we're just going to shut off this whole country. So the people suffer. Cuba or Iran are good examples. Average people suffer, right? So people in those two countries I just mentioned, Cuba, Iran, or even Palestine, which is also sort of like blockaded by the Israelis. So you have Cuba, Iran, Palestine are three good examples where people inside all three of those countries now are using Bitcoin to do commerce, do their business, send money back and forth. So sanctions resistant. Sanctions resistant. It does not get stopped by sanctions, right? And also it's, again, remittances are extortionate. I mean, the average remittance, you know, costs has a high fee, takes several days. If your family is in Ghana or something like that, or Nigeria, and you live in the United States, it can take time to use Western Union. Sometimes it gets paused, it gets lost, there's issues, you have to deal with customer service. Screw that. I mean, you know, if the person has a cell phone, which increasingly is the case, I mean, by the end of next year, more than five or six billion people depending on different estimates will have smartphones basically by the end of 2022. We're talking like the vast majority of humans will have access to smartphones. They can all have sovereign Bitcoin wallets. And there's even ways to access Bitcoin without the internet. But I mean, we can get into that. There's like hardware wallets and so on. What do you mean by sovereign Bitcoin wallet? You know, most users today are using Bitcoin in a custodial manner. So this is kind of like having a bank account where you have a deposit account at a bank, right? So you have a claim, right? You go to the bank and they have some of your money and you take it out, right? With an ATM. So what I would call noncustodial Bitcoin use would be similar to withdrawing cash from an ATM. You have it. It's a bearer instrument. OK, so when I... Bearer instrument. That's what it's called. It's a bearer instrument. I know. I apologize. I'm outside this community. I'm in a bar of gold or a banknote or Bitcoin that you control, meaning you have the seed phrase, right? Which for the listeners essentially is 12 to 24 English words that you write down on a piece of paper. That's your like password to get into your Bitcoin account. And that gives you that bearer instrument quality, right? But unfortunately, most users still use Bitcoin in a custodial way, meaning they buy it on Coinbase or Square or something like that. You would put into the custodial into the custodial category like a bank. And look, the good news is you can withdraw to your own control. And in the Bitcoin community, we try to teach this idea that it's not your keys, not your coins in the same way that if you deposit your money at the bank, you might not get it back. I mean, it's low likelihood, but it's very possible. Same thing in Bitcoin. Like if you want to get the full experience, you want to actually custody your own Bitcoin. You want to put it whether it's on an open source software wallet, like the blue wallet is a good one for people to check out or a hardware wallet like cold card, for example. There's different ways to do this. But essentially, like around the world, people are innovating. Like don't think so low of your fellow man. You know what I mean? Like people are able to figure this out. You know, I get a lot of flak from people saying, oh, Bitcoin is so hard to use. I read this article in the New York Times saying this guy in Silicon Valley lost all of his Bitcoin. That's because he was a moron and didn't care about it. This guy lost all this Bitcoin because it wasn't worth much 10 years ago and he, you know, he forgot the password. But if you're like receiving your remittance from a family member, you're going to lose the password. Right. And you trust in the basic intelligence of people to figure this out and to innovate and so on and figure out. We're watching it, man. Yeah. You know, I'm, it's kind of funny that, but people in the United States are not very savvy with money. It's exactly the way you're describing is like when you have very little money, you're going to be savvy with money. You're going to understand exactly the mechanisms that work, that are resistant to the corruption that's around you. I mean, I remember sort of growing up in the Soviet Union, the general bureaucracy and the corruption of everything around you, you figure out ways around that. You figure out ways how to function within that kind of system to survive under inflation, under hyperinflation, under all like basically being unable to trust any kind of, even the police force and all those kinds of things. You figure it out and that same way, perhaps Bitcoin could be all the different ways to store and gain Bitcoin. These mechanisms could be something that's figured out in the third world as opposed to in the United States. Oh, I mean, I would say the capital of Bitcoin could easily be Lagos and not San Francisco in terms of users, in terms of people using it. And again, the two use cases as a savings account and as an unstoppable payment rail. These are the two ones that you should really think about, this is how people are using it today. Now, when it comes to, could it possibly be adopted by like a sufficient majority of the population? I say, yes. And it's very similar to the way the mobile phone spread. At the beginning, the cell phone was only for rich people, it was only for the elite, it was huge, it didn't work very well, the interface sucked, it was clunky. Over time, it got smaller and smaller and cheaper and cheaper and easier to use and easier to use. And today, everyone benefits. So you're going to watch a similar technology upgrade process with Bitcoin. Already in the last 10 years, Bitcoin has gotten so much easier to use. I mean, there are now mobile wallets that are so slick. There's one called Moon M U U N wallet from a team in Argentina. And these guys created it because they saw their own currency devalued like three times in the last 20 years. And they've had a hell of a time trying to get their money back and forth in different countries. So they were like, let's make this easy for people. Again, you know, this is the people's money. This is something that cannot be controlled by governments or corporations. And that makes it very powerful. And I think it's actually quite exciting to be here in the adoption phase. In the early days. Yeah, man, this is the early days. And you also mentioned that Bitcoin is the mechanism of a peaceful revolution. So it's a way to resist authoritarianism in a peaceful way. It's ultimately, you know, you mentioned sort of politics, information, and money. It seems like in the space of money, this is one of the peaceful mechanisms. It's a way to opt out. You can opt out peacefully from the system. And yeah, it's beautiful, it's beautiful. So Bitcoin is currently by far the most popular sort of dominant cryptocurrency. That said, and I look forward to your letters, Bitcoin maximalists. That said, you know, Internet Explorer was the most popular browser for quite a long time. And then other browsers came along that out competed it like Chrome, Firefox, People's Checkout Brave. It's a great browser. I think it's my favorite browser at this point. Anyway, so why Bitcoin? Why not another cryptocurrency? If you look in the next 10, 20, 50, 100 years, do you think it's possible for another cryptocurrency like Ethereum or something that it's not even here yet to overtake Bitcoin as a mechanism? When you say overtake, what do you mean? What do you mean overtake? You mean number of users? Do you mean a price per coin? Yeah, the number of users, because we're talking about 1%, 2%. And if we are serious about this being in the space of money as a way to give individuals power, fight the centralized powers that use the money system and so on, how do we get from 2% to 50%, right, to 60%, to 80%? At that jump, is it obvious to you, not obvious, but do you think Bitcoin is the way to get from 2% to 50% or are there going to be other cryptocurrencies that may emerge that get us to 50%? No. I mean, Bitcoin is the innovation. The innovation is in having the decentralized mint. No one can change the monetary policy. Everything else is downstream from there. In Bitcoin, the mean would be 21 million. There's never going to be any more than 21 million. Every other cryptocurrency either has an inflationary policy, meaning there's going to continue to be more and more of it over time, or its monetary policy can be changed by a small group of people. This is vividly on display in Ethereum, which is like the second largest and second most robust cryptocurrency, right? I've talked to senior Ethereum engineers over the last couple of weeks trying to figure out what is the monetary policy of Ethereum? No one can tell me. No one knows how much ETH is going to be minted in 2022 and 2023 after they shift to proof of stake. I've seen estimates that range from 100,000 to 2 million. So at the end of the day, you're going to be trusting a small group of people to make those decisions. That is what we are escaping with Bitcoin. So all these other cryptocurrencies, they might have their use cases, virtually all of them are not. It's very important for people to know that if you take like the 4,500 cryptocurrencies on CoinMarketCap, almost all of them are scams straight up. Even the ones that have like noble intentions, I just don't think are going to add that much value ultimately. I think Bitcoin to me is the innovation and you know, that's because it has a monetary policy and an issuance schedule that cannot be changed. And that's what gets me so excited about it. I mean, that's why it's such an important tool for human rights. Yeah, it's interesting because when you grow from 2%, when you grow in the number of people using it at the scale, they're using it, it's going to need to be resistant to governments and institutions messing with it. So it's interesting to see what kind of cryptocurrency would be resistant to that. Obviously Dogecoin is going to win. Let's be honest. Well, I mean, look, the number two cryptocurrency in the world, probably by like how useful it is to people is Tether, which is totally centralized, has blacklists. So I'm not saying there won't be like new digital assets that are lumped into this category that have usage, but they're not, they're not, it's not the same innovation as Bitcoin. It's just sort of building on this idea of like a Euro dollar, maybe like a dollar that

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